Simian Varicella Virus Infection of Rhesus Macaques Recapitulates Essential Features of Varicella Zoster Virus Infection in Humans

Simian varicella virus (SVV), the etiologic agent of naturally occurring varicella in primates, is genetically and antigenically closely related to human varicella zoster virus (VZV). Early attempts to develop a model of VZV pathogenesis and latency in nonhuman primates (NHP) resulted in persistent infection. More recent models successfully produced latency; however, only a minority of monkeys became viremic and seroconverted. Thus, previous NHP models were not ideally suited to analyze the immune response to SVV during acute infection and the transition to latency. Here, we show for the first time that intrabronchial inoculation of rhesus macaques with SVV closely mimics naturally occurring varicella (chickenpox) in humans. Infected monkeys developed varicella and viremia that resolved 21 days after infection. Months later, viral DNA was detected only in ganglia and not in non-ganglionic tissues. Like VZV latency in human ganglia, transcripts corresponding to SVV ORFs 21, 62, 63 and 66, but not ORF 40, were detected by RT-PCR. In addition, as described for VZV, SVV ORF 63 protein was detected in the cytoplasm of neurons in latently infected monkey ganglia by immunohistochemistry. We also present the first in depth analysis of the immune response to SVV. Infected animals produced a strong humoral and cell-mediated immune response to SVV, as assessed by immunohistology, serology and flow cytometry. Intrabronchial inoculation of rhesus macaques with SVV provides a novel model to analyze viral and immunological mechanisms of VZV latency and reactivation

Finishing the euchromatic sequence of the human genome

The sequence of the human genome encodes the genetic instructions for human physiology, as well as rich information about human evolution. In 2001, the International Human Genome Sequencing Consortium reported a draft sequence of the euchromatic portion of the human genome. Since then, the international collaboration has worked to convert this draft into a genome sequence with high accuracy and nearly complete coverage. Here, we report the result of this finishing process. The current genome sequence (Build 35) contains 2.85 billion nucleotides interrupted by only 341 gaps. It covers ∼99% of the euchromatic genome and is accurate to an error rate of ∼1 event per 100,000 bases. Many of the remaining euchromatic gaps are associated with segmental duplications and will require focused work with new methods. The near-complete sequence, the first for a vertebrate, greatly improves the precision of biological analyses of the human genome including studies of gene number, birth and death. Notably, the human enome seems to encode only 20,000-25,000 protein-coding genes. The genome sequence reported here should serve as a firm foundation for biomedical research in the decades ahead

The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional

Genetic diversity of human immunodeficiency virus type 2: evidence for distinct sequence subtypes with differences in virus biology.

The virulence properties of human immunodeficiency virus type 2 (HIV-2) are known to vary significantly and to range from relative attenuation in certain individuals to high-level pathogenicity in others. These differences in clinical manifestations may, at least in part, be determined by genetic differences among infecting virus strains. Evaluation of the full spectrum of HIV-2 genetic diversity is thus a necessary first step towards understanding its molecular epidemiology, natural history of infection, and biological diversity. In this study, we have used nested PCR techniques to amplify viral sequences from the DNA of uncultured peripheral blood mononuclear cells from 12 patients with HIV-2 seroreactivity. Sequence analysis of four nonoverlapping genomic regions allowed a comprehensive analysis of HIV-2 phylogeny. The results revealed (i) the existence of five distinct and roughly equidistant evolutionary lineages of HIV-2 which, by analogy with HIV-1, have been termed sequence subtypes A to E; (ii) evidence for a mosaic HIV-2 genome, indicating that coinfection with genetically divergent strains and recombination can occur in HIV-2-infected individuals; and (iii) evidence supporting the conclusion that some of the HIV-2 subtypes may have arisen from independent introductions of genetically diverse sooty mangabey viruses into the human population. Importantly, only a subset of HIV-2 strains replicated in culture: all subtype A viruses grew to high titers, but attempts to isolate representatives of subtypes C, D, and E, as well as the majority of subtype B viruses, remained unsuccessful. Infection with all five viral subtypes was detectable by commercially available serological (Western immunoblot) assays, despite intersubtype sequence differences of up to 25% in the gag, pol, and env regions. These results indicate that the genetic and biological diversity of HIV-2 is far greater than previously appreciated and suggest that there may be subtype-specific differences in virus biology. Systematic natural history studies are needed to determine whether this heterogeneity has clinical relevance and whether the various HIV-2 subtypes differ in their in vivo pathogenicity