C-command, projections and melody: Micro-parameters of the Han-template

(South-)East Asian languages often force highly restricted word-structures, leading standard Government Phonology (sGP) to the useful, though problematic, Han-template (regular/augmented) (Beijing Mandarin (Goh 1996), Thai (Denwood 1999), Hongkui To (Xu 2001), and Vietnamese (Ulfsbjorninn 2008b)). We replace it with an obligatory c-command relationship between nuclear heads (xN1, xN2), resulting in xO2 being obligatorily c-commanded by xN1 (*V:C). In contrast, the augmented Han-template has obligatory c++2-command, hence, xO2 is not obligatorily c-commanded by xN1 (V:C). Concomitantly, *V:C (unlike V:C) languages prohibit I/U in xO2. In sGP no non-arbitrary link can be suggested; in GP 2.0, it emerges from micro-parametric c-command-conditions acting on word-structure

The internal structure of compounds: a phase account of aphasia

This study uses aphasia to support a phase-based derivation of compounds. Our research is nestled within the overarching and truly foundational debate between holists (Butterworth 1983, Bybee 2001, Starosta to appear) and atomists (Taft and Forster 1975, Rastle et al. 2004, Fiorentino and Poeppel 2007). The former camp maintains that compounds are stored devoid of any internal morphological structure; while the latter insist that compounds are derived by concatenation of constituent parts. Morphophonological analysis of the contrasting behaviour of simplex and compound words in Dinka and English (based on Kaye 1995) bears a striking similarity to the derivation by phase (Chomsky 2001) (cf. Newell and Piggott 2006, Newell and Scheer 2008, Scheer 2008, forth.). To confirm this novel phase-based account, contra the holists’ null-hypothesis, we ran an experiment. We tested an aphasic patient (RC), who produced high error rates with trisyllabic simplex words and negligible error rates with disyllabic simplex words. The divisive question: What would trisyllabic compounds pattern with? The surface inclined holists predict they should pattern with the long simplex words; conversely, the atomist, for whom a trisyllabic compound will be processed either [[σ σ] [σ]] or [[σ] [σ σ]], predict they should pattern with the short simplex words. The latter turns out to be correct. Our experiment shows a compound is derived by independently sending its constituent parts to spell out, once there the constituent parts are no longer accessible to grammatical operations.Este trabajo usa el fenómeno de la afasia para apoyar una derivación de los compuestos basada en el concepto de fases. Nuestra investigación se enmarca dentro del debate general y fundamental entre holistas (Butterworth 1983, Bybee 2001, Starosta en prensa) y atomistas (Taft y Forster 1975, Rastle et al. 2004, Fiorentino y Poeppel 2007). Los primeros sostienen que los compuestos son almacenados sin ningún tipo de estructura morfológica interna; por el contrario los últimos insisten en que los compuestos se derivan a través de la concatenación de ciertos constituyentes. El análisis morfo-fonológico del comportamiento paradójico por parte de las palabras simples y compuestas en Dinka e Inglés (basado en Kaye 1995) muestra una similitud chocante con el fenómeno de la derivación por fases (Chomsky 2001) (cf. Newell y Piggott 2006, Newell y Scheer 2008, Scheer 2008, en adelante.). Para verificar esta nueva versión basada en la noción de fases, como contradicción a la hipótesis-nula llevada a cabo por los holistas, realizamos un experimento. Probamos con un paciente afásico (CR), el cual tuvo un alto porcentaje de errores con palabras simples de tres sílabas así como un promedio de error insignificante con palabras simples de dos sílabas. La pregunta divisoria sería la siguiente: ¿Con qué se corresponderían los compuestos de tres sílabas? Los que en apariencia apoyan a los holistas sugieren que estos deberían tener un comportamiento similar a las palabras simples y largas; por el contrario, los atomistas, para quienes un compuesto trisil{bico ha de ser procesado bien como **σ σ+ *σ++ o **σ+ *σ σ++, establecen que estos se asemejan a las palabras simples y cortas. Estos últimos resultan ser los que están en lo cierto. Nuestro experimento corrobora que un compuesto se deriva a través del envío de sus constituyentes por separado a la fase de materialización, de tal manera que una vez allí dichos constituyentes dejan de ser accesibles a operaciones gramaticales.Este estudo recorre à afasia para confirmar a derivação por fases de compostos. A nossa pesquisa enquadra-se no debate global e verdadeiramente fundacional entre holistas (Butterworth 1983, Bybee 2001, Starosta a surgir) e atomistas (Taft e Forster 1975, Rastle et al. 2004, Fiorentino e Poeppel 2007). Os primeiros defendem que os compostos são armazenados desprovidos de qualquer estrutura morfológica interna; enquanto os últimos insistem que os compostos derivam da concatenação de partes constituintes. A análise morfo-fonológica do comportamento contrastante de palavras simples e compostas em Dinka e em Inglês (baseada em Kaye 1995) apresenta uma semelhança assinalável com a derivação por fase (Chomsky 2001) (cf. Newell e Piggott 2006, Newell e Scheer 2008, Scheer 2008, etc.). Para confirmar esta nova abordagem baseada em fases, contra a hipótese nula dos holistas, levámos a cabo uma experiência. Testámos um paciente afásico (RC), que produziu elevadas taxas de erro com palavras trissilábicas simples e taxas de erro pouco significativas com palavras dissilábicas simples. A questão decorrente: Que padrão seguem os compostos trissilábicos? Os holistas, baseados na superfície, predizem que estes seguem o padrão das palavras simples longas; inversamente, os atomistas, para quem um composto trissilábico é processado como [[σ σ] [σ]] ou [[σ] [σ σ]], predizem que seguem o padrão das palavras simples curtas. Os últimos estão correctos. A nossa experiência demonstra que um composto é derivado, enviando independentemente as suas partes constituintes para serem decifradas quando estas não se encontram mais acessíveis a operações gramaticaisFormato de letra Palatino Linotype tamaño 12; interlineado de 1’2 y espacio entre p{rrafos de 6ptos. Formato de letra Palatino Linotype tamaño 12; interlineado de 1’2 y espacio entre párrafos de 6ptos. Formato de letra Palatino Linotype tamaño 12; interlineado de 1’2 y espacio entre párrafos de 6ptos; interlineado de 1’2 y espacio entre párrafos de 6ptos

Lenition and metathesis in Hawu: A quantity-sensitive language

Hawu shows highly unusual distributions of strength/weakness. Firstly, it appears unique in restricting schwa to stressed positions, excluding it elsewhere. Secondly, Hawu has undergone rampant intervocalic lenition of consonants, except after schwa where consonants are immune to lenition and are automatically geminated. This situation creates unusual synchronic structural contrasts. Hawu seems to be unique, appearing to violate a linguistic universal, however, this will be revealed to be due to its phonology-to-phonetics mapping known as virtual length. From a revised phonological perspective, Hawu’s strength distribution is actually commonplace: a quantity-sensitive language with metrical bolstering, like Italian. This offers an explanation for, firstly, the otherwise unrelated lack of (C)ə́V word-shapes; and, secondly, the strange diachronic condition on metathesis, that it only applies across consonants: *VαCVβ > VβCVα - *ika > [ə́k:i] ‘tie/bind’ vs. *VαVβ **(> VβVα) *bua > [búe] **[bə́u] ‘fruit’. Both facts are explained via quantity restrictions imposed by Hawu’s metrical system

The typology of the distribution of Edge: the propensity for bipositionality

We discuss the grammatical conditions that can be imposed between segmental content (features) and syllable structure (positions) and how a representational preference can influence diachronic development. The discussion centers on the co-distribution of two properties: occlusivity and bipositionality. The first is the phonological feature that induces occlusivity and reduces amplitude (that is: |ʔ|, which we will refer to as Edge(*)), the second is the autosegmental structural property of belonging to multiple positions (which we refer to as ‘C.C’). Edge(*) and bipositionality have a universal affinity but they are not reducible to each other. Instead, the inherent diachronic tendency to preserve Edge(*) in bipositional structures can become grammaticalised through licensing conditions that dictate the alignment of the two properties. This can be expressed bidirectionally, forming two major language types. Type A has the condition stated from the featural perspective (Edge(*) must be found in C.C). While, Type B comes from the other direction (C.C must contain Edge(*)). Crucially, the same structure is diachronically stable: (Edge(*)-C.C). What varies is the distribution of those properties elsewhere (given the direction of licensing condition). Type A excludes Edge(*) from {#__,V_V}, while Type B excludes C.Cs without Edge(*). Although there is variation on this point, there is a UG component, because there are no anti-Type A/B languages where Edge(*) repels bipositionality

A Classless Analysis of Italian Nouns and their Theme-Vowel Alternations

The decompositional, non-lexicalist, approach to word-structure and the theory of roots have proven highly rewarding. One grey area, however, comes from Romance since, rather than roots, the word structure primitive appears to be the stem: root + ‘stem-formative/theme vowel’. Regardless, there have been perspicacious decompositional accounts of Italian, however these are still marred by the large number of morphological/item-specific irregularities, motivating arbitrary noun classes. Additionally, there are roots that do not inflect: consonant-final and vowel-final forms when these are oxytonic or loanwords. Given these irregularities, previous analyses in Italian have included the use of lexical exceptions and class features. We challenge the use of class features in generating the attested patterns (and their exceptions). Instead, we propose a new categorisation of root-shapes, which, when combined with the exponents of nominal inflection, produce the correct surface pairings, as well as the non-alternating forms. In our analysis, there is no diacritic or special marking of lexical exceptions, all forms inflect regularly in accordance to their phonological shape. This requires the innovation of one new mechanism (Inhibition), but we back it up by showing that it leads to an unexpected beneficial prediction that solves a long-standing problem associated with Raddoppiamento Sintattico (RS)

The typology of the distribution of Edge: the propensity for bipositionality

We discuss the grammatical conditions that can be imposed between segmental content (features) and syllable structure (positions) and how a representational preference can influence diachronic development. The discussion centers on the co-distribution of two properties: occlusivity and bipositionality. The first is the phonological feature that induces occlusivity and reduces amplitude (that is: |ʔ|, which we will refer to as Edge(*)), the second is the autosegmental structural property of belonging to multiple positions (which we refer to as ‘C.C’). Edge(*) and bipositionality have a universal affinity but they are not reducible to each other. Instead, the inherent diachronic tendency to preserve Edge(*) in bipositional structures can become grammaticalised through licensing conditions that dictate the alignment of the two properties. This can be expressed bidirectionally, forming two major language types. Type A has the condition stated from the featural perspective (Edge(*) must be found in C.C). While, Type B comes from the other direction (C.C must contain Edge(*)). Crucially, the same structure is diachronically stable: (Edge(*)-C.C). What varies is the distribution of those properties elsewhere (given the direction of licensing condition). Type A excludes Edge(*) from {#__,V_V}, while Type B excludes C.Cs without Edge(*). Although there is variation on this point, there is a UG component, because there are no anti-Type A/B languages where Edge(*) repels bipositionality

Breaking the symmetry of geminates in diachrony and synchrony

Autosegmentalism invariably represents geminates in a symmetrical one-to-many relationship — as feature bundles or root nodes attached to two structural units: x-slots, moras, or C-slots. This symmetry, however, is often not reflected in their diachronic origin. For instance, in Blevins’ (2008) Type 1 pathway, only the second C of a consonant cluster (CC) ever determines the geminate: CxCy > CyCy, *CxCx (e.g. Latin > Italian). Moreover, although most synchronic processes identify geminates as symmetrical, there is an exception: geminate integrity. Unlike CCs and long vowels (LVs), geminates never ‘break’ by epenthesis: *CyCy > CyVCy. We propose that this is central to understanding the true nature of geminates, and present analyses in two frameworks. The first is ‘control by contiguity’, which uses head-dependent ‘control chains’ (Russo 2013). A control relation applies between a specified and an unspecified position: -C. Inalterability and integrity result from the asymmetry of the geminate’s positions. The second is based on Strict CV. This restricts a geminate’s melody to one of its two skeletal positions. Unlike CC and LVs, geminates do not involve a ‘trapped’ empty V position that could host epenthesis and cause breaking; the difference between LVs and geminates follows from framework-internal forces and suggests that melodic branching always requires licensing. These two approaches share the insight that the representation of geminates is not symmetrical, like that of long vowels