Repatriarchalization of young mothers in Serbia today: Presence of the multiple layers of oppression that create "female destiny"

The outcomes of the research do not indicate improvement of the equality of women in Serbian society today. In general, women's salaries are significantly lower than those of their partners, and the balance of life between private and public life is still undermined by the high burden on women with the responsibilities at home, in circumstances where family's budget depends on the paid work of both partners. Care for the elderly and sick stays exclusively female task. The outcomes of this research makes clear that the improvement of gender equality is not possible in conditions of a general decline in living standards. Several indicators point out that the values of women are marked by repatriarchalization. The retrograde direction becomes obvious when we compare three generations of respondents. The material standard of the youngest generation is the most uncertain, their average wage the lowest, the difference in income between them and their husbands/partners the biggest and therefore the dependence on the partner and the immediate social support is obvious. At the same time, the traditional division of gender roles, the burden of women with household tasks and care strongly persist among the youngest mothers. Concerning their attitudes and values, the generation of the youngest has values and attitudes that are more similar to the generation of the oldest generation, than to the middle aged respondents, who are the most emancipated

Ivan Filip Vezdin\u27s deliberations

Nakon pripomena o sažetom životopisu Ivana Filipa Vezdina slijedi pregled njegova rada. U središtu su rasprave Vezdinove misli o temelju saznanja za boravka na području indijskoga vjerskoga, filozofskog i kulturnog ozračja. Rasprava je izrađena više kao poticaj za široku i svestraniju obradbu Vezdinovih djela nego kao završna prosudba o pišćevu prinosu europskoj uljudbi.Remarks concerning the concise biography of Ivan Filip Vezdin are followed by a survey of his work. The paper focuses on Vezdin’s considerations of the basis of knowledge during his sojourn in the religious, philosophical, and cultural realm of India. The treatise is intended as an encouragement for a comprehensive research into Vezdin’s work, not as a conclusive evaluation of his contribution to the European civilization

Susan Haack, Filozofija logikâ

Prikaz knjige Susan Haack, Filozofija logikâ, preveo Zvonimir Čuljak, Biblioteka Scopus, Hrvatski studiji, Zagreb 2005, 340 str

The public opinion on the detrimental effects of depleted uranium and the effects of the bombing of SRY (1999) in Serbia today

Bombardovanje Jugoslavije 1999. godine izazvalo je kontroverzna pitanja vezana za legitimnost, opravdanje svrhe, efikasnost i uticaj na zdravlje građana Srbije. Upečatljiv nedostatak jasnog i nedvosmislenog zajedničkog naučnog stava o uticaju i štetnosti upotrebe oružja sa osiromašenim uranijumom (DU - depleted uranium), kao i nedostatak jasnog političkog i pravnog stava međunarodnih i nacionalnih institucija, decenijama su podsticale javno mnjenje, povećavajući dvosmislenosti u rešavanju ovog izuzetno važnog pitanja. Očigledno je da će, bez dovoljnog i pouzdanog istraživanja o dugoročnom uticaju bombardovanja sa ovim oružjem, biti veoma teško oblikovati utemeljenu i verodostojnu međunarodnu politiku u vezi sa upotrebom oružja sa osiromašenim uranijumom. Štaviše, to će izazvati konflikte i povećati "javnu maglu" u kojoj neće biti moguće predstaviti objektivni obim štete i neće biti moguće dokazati ili odbaciti ako se oružje sa osiromašenim uranijumom zabrani. U slučaju Savezne Republike Jugoslavije, skoro 20 godina nakon bombardovanja, srpska vlada je uspostavila Komisiju sa ciljem procene ukupnog uticaja bombardovanja Srbije sa DU. Tokom ove dve decenije, izgubljene su šanse da se građani i područja koja su bila izložena DU temeljno i kontinuirano prate, uprkos činjenici da je bombardovanje SRJ bilo prvi slučaj u kome je NATO bio prinuđen da javno potvrdi upotrebu municije sa DU. Rad se bavi pitanjem: Kako je izgrađeno javno mnjenje u odsustvu pouzdanih podataka? Teorijska pozadina u ovom pristupu zasniva se na teorijama javnog mnjenja koje pretpostavljaju da se "pojedinci ne okreću medijima primarno zbog istine ili informacija, oni se okreću medijima kako bi sami sebi definisali društvenu stvarnost" (Moy & Bosch, 2013). To znači da je javno mnjenje, a posebno javno mišljenje o kontroverznim pitanjima koja nisu predstavljena na transparentan i objektivan način, izgrađena na stereotipima uokvirenim političkim pretpostavkama i afinitetima, bez jasne razlike između činjenica i preferencija. U radu je prikazan rezultat onlajn ankete sprovedene na uzorku od 534 građana Srbije, u kojoj smo pokušali da koristimo gore pomenuti pristup kao hipotezu i da je operacionalizujemo i dokažemo. Rezultati pokazuju da stav o štetnom uticaju oružja DU u velikoj meri zavisi od političke sklonosti ispitanika prema Istoku ili Zapadu i njihovih pogleda na to kako bi trebalo rešiti krizu na Kosovu. Takođe je snažno povezana sa njihovom pozitivnom / negativnom identifikacijom sa srpskim nacionalnim identitetom.The bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999 has raised controversial questions concerning its legitimacy, justification, efficacy, and its impact on the health of Serbia's citizens. A striking lack of a clear and unambiguous common scientific attitude concerning the impact and harm of employing DU weapons, together with the absence of a clear political and legal attitude of international and national institutions, have been stirring up public opinion for decades, magnifying the ambiguity in dealing with this extremely important issue. It is obvious that, without sufficient and reliable research into the long-term impact of bombing with DU munitions, it will be very difficult to shape a grounded and plausible international policy concerning the usage of depleted uranium weapons. Moreover, it will provoke conflicts and increase 'the public fog' making it impossible to present an objective scope of damage and prove or refute the argument that DU weapons should be banned. In the case of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, almost 20 years after the bombing, the Serbian government established a Commission aimed at estimating the overall impact of DU 'bombing' of Serbia. During these two decades, the chances of a thorough and continual monitoring of the citizens and areas which had been exposed to DU were missed, in spite of the fact that the bombing of the FRY was the first case in which NATO had been forced to publicly confirm their usage of DU munitions. The paper addresses the following question: How is public opinion built in the absence of reliable data? The theoretical background in this approach is based on the theories of public opinion which assume that "individuals turned to the media to help themselves define social reality." (Moy & Bosch, 2013). This means that public opinion, particularly public opinion on controversial issues which are not presented in a transparent and objective way, is built on stereotypes framed by political assumptions and affinities, without making a clear distinction between facts and preferences. The paper presents the results of an online survey conducted on the sample of 534 Serbian citizens, in which we tried to use the above-mentioned approach as a hypothesis and to operationalize and prove it. The results show that attitudes toward the harmful effects of DU munitions depend greatly on the respondents' political affinities for the East or the West and their views on how the Kosovo crisis should be resolved. It also correlates significantly to their positive/negative identification with the Serbian national identity

Beauty is in the Eye of the Oppressor: Glorification of Crime and Contempt for the Victims as the Ultimate Challenge to Christianity in Post-Yugoslav Societies

The glorification of one\u27s own crimes and the contempt for victims of others is a common denominator of sociopolitical existence in post-Yugoslavian societies. Religious institutions, primarily the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Catholic Church in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, have contributed to the creation of such an atmosphere in their respective areas. Dealing with this type of aberration is their primary contemporary challenge