Desenvolvimento de uma família de produtos modulares para o cultivo e beneficiamento de mexilhões

Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Tecnológico. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Engenharia Mecânica.Nesta tese são descritos os resultados obtidos no projeto modular de produtos para a mecanização de um grupo de processos durante o cultivo e o beneficiamento de mexilhões. O processo metodológico de projeto utilizado foi baseado no estado-da-arte dos processos de desenvolvimento de produtos modulares, combinando ferramentas de projeto tradicionais e inovadoras de forma a conceber uma metodologia dedicada a encontrar o mais alto grau de modularidade possível entre os processos em estudo. O foco central da metodologia proposta é a síntese e a análise das estruturas funcionais de cada processo, procurando similaridades explícitas e condicionais existentes entre suas funções elementares. Como conseqüência, grupos de funções comuns podem ser definidos, permitindo a implementação de um único princípio de solução para eles. A metodologia proposta também conta com recursos para a definição de módulos entre as funções elementares pertencentes a uma determinada tarefa e à definição das interfaces entre os módulos. A metodologia proposta foi implementada no contexto do cultivo de mexilhões brasileiro, na qual Santa Catarina, localizada na região sul do Brasil, apresenta-se como o maior produtor, com cerca de 12.000 toneladas de mexilhões (Perna perna) por ano. Desde a introdução das técnicas de cultivo, ao final da década de 80, processos como a individualização dos mexilhões presos entre si por filamentos de bisso, a classificação por tamanho, limpeza, entre outras, são realizados manualmente, acarretando ferimentos e fadiga ao produtor e uma baixa produtividade ao processo. Neste sentido, desenvolveu-se um sistema modular composto por doze módulos básicos, cuja combinação permite a realização de oito tarefas distintas. Tal arquitetura permitirá aos produtores de mexilhões adquirirem somente os módulos que venham de encontro às suas necessidades individuais imediatas, bem como facilitará a atualização das configurações de módulos para a realização de outras tarefas conforme o crescimento de sua produtividade. Outra vantagem está na otimização de seus processos com a utilização de módulos auxiliares, com a possibilidade de realização simultânea de processos distintos em determinadas configurações de módulos. Protótipos para os módulos considerados como críticos foram desenvolvidos e testados, sendo sua performance considerada satisfatória, porém sendo propostas diversas melhorias no sentido de aperfeiçoar a eficiência, garantir a satisfação do produtor e, conseqüentemente, as vendas do produto

Procesos modeladores en los acantilados de Las Grutas, provincia de Río Negro

Fil: Fucks, Enrique. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo. Laboratorio de Análisis de Tritio y Radiocarbono; ArgentinaFil: Schnack, Enrique J.. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo. Laboratorio de Oceanografía Costera y Estuarios; ArgentinaFil: Scalice, Armando. Consultor independiente; ArgentinaFil: Kai, Ahrendt. Albrechts Universtitat zue Kiel. Geographisches Institut Christian; AlemaniaFil: Vafeidis, Nassos. Albrechts Universtitat zue Kiel. Geographisches Institut Christian; AlemaniaFil: Sterr, Horst. Albrechts Universtitat zue Kiel. Geographisches Institut Christian; Alemani

Tetraalkylammonium derivatives as real-time PCR enhancers and stabilizers of the qPCR mixtures containing SYBR Green I

Tetraalkylammonium (TAA) derivatives have been reported to serve as stabilizers of asymmetrical cyanine dyes in aqueous solutions and to increase the yield and efficiency of polymerase chain reaction (PCR) detected by end-point analysis. In this study, we compared the ability of various TAA derivatives (with alkyl chain ranging from 1 to 5 carbons) and some other compounds to serve as enhancers of real-time PCR based on fluorescence detection from intercalating dye SYBR Green I (SGI). Our data indicate that TAA chlorides and some other TAA derivatives serve as potent enhancers of SGI-monitored real-time PCR. Optimal results were obtained with 10–16 mM tetrapropylammonium chloride. The effect of TAA compounds was dependent on the nature of counter ions present and composition of the reaction mixtures used. Based on measurements of SGI-generated fluorescence signal in the presence of PCR-amplified DNA fragments, oligonucleotide primers and/or various additives, we propose that TAA-derivatives reduce the binding of SGI to oligonucleotide primers and thus enhance primer–template interactions during annealing phase. Furthermore, these compounds serve as stabilizers of SGI-containing PCR mixtures. The combined data indicate that TAA derivatives might be a new class of additives contributing to robustness of real-time PCR monitored by asymmetrical cyanine dye SGI

Workshops without Walls: Broadening Access to Science around the World

The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) Astrobiology Institute (NAI) conducted two “Workshops Without Walls” during 2010 that enabled global scientific exchange—with no travel required. The second of these was on the topic “Molecular Paleontology and Resurrection: Rewinding the Tape of Life.” Scientists from diverse disciplines and locations around the world were joined through an integrated suite of collaborative technologies to exchange information on the latest developments in this area of origin of life research. Through social media outlets and popular science blogs, participation in the workshop was broadened to include educators, science writers, and members of the general public. In total, over 560 people from 31 US states and 30 other nations were registered. Among the scientific disciplines represented were geochemistry, biochemistry, molecular biology and evolution, and microbial ecology. We present this workshop as a case study in how interdisciplinary collaborative research may be fostered, with substantial public engagement, without sustaining the deleterious environmental and economic impacts of travel

A deliberately forgotten battle: the Lapiang Manggagawa and the Manila Port Strike of 1963

This article documents a significant and previously unknown episode in the history of Philippine labor, the explosive Manila Port Strike of the arrastre service workers - stevedores and longshoremen - in 1963. The strike was among the largest, costliest and most politically charged labor struggles in the nation's history and yet not only has no account of it been written, it has found no mention in over a half-century of historiography. Using confidential US State Department memoranda, contemporary newspaper accounts, Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) publications, and material published by the Lapiang Manggagawa (LM), I reconstruct the history of the strike. This article examines how an event of this magnitude, while still part of living memory, could disappear from the historical record. The case of the 1963 Port Strike highlights the need to recover the histories of the oppressed by reading not only the official archives, but also the narratives of the workers' own organisations, against the grain

A region in dispute: racialized anticommunism and Manila's role in the origins of Konfrontasi, 1961-63

Prior scholarship has treated the Philippines as an outside party to the conflict over the formation of Malaysia, known as Konfrontasi, which has been dealt with as a dispute between Malaysia and Indonesia. This article demonstrates the centrality of the Macapagal administration to the origins of Konfrontasi. Treating Manila as a core actor gives new insight into Konfrontasi, which can be best understood as a regional conflict over the racial and social shape of island Southeast Asia in the final stages of decolonization. Racialized anticommunism, expressed through the forcible redivision of the region to ensure social stability, emerges as the preoccupation of all the state actors promoting and opposing the formation of Malaysia. At the same time, an examination of developments in the Philippines and the actions of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) gives new insight into the critical function of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) in this affair

Cadre as informal diplomats: Ferdinand Marcos and the Soviet Bloc, 1965–1975

An examination of the class function of Stalinism and the informal networks which it established, through the movement of cadre and ideas, on behalf of sections of the ruling elite throughout the underdeveloped world in the mid-twentieth century, allows us to see past the traditional top-down geopolitical division of the world in the cold war to a richer understanding of the development of political and social struggles within these countries. Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, from 1965 to 1975, engaged in secret and wide-ranging informal diplomacy with the Soviet bloc using the transnational connections of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) [Communist Party of the Philippines]. The PKP, while officially an illegal organization, had endorsed Marcos for president in 1965 and he had appointed some of its members to positions within his government as salaried “researchers.” The party was split along lines drawn by the Sino-Soviet dispute, and a rival party, the CPP, was formed in 1967, with ties to Beijing. Marcos sought two things from the PKP: the secret negotiation of diplomatic and economic relations with Moscow, and the eventual support of the party for his imposition of dictatorship, giving martial law a progressive veneer. The economic ties with Moscow, arranged through these secret channels, were meant to provide leverage for renegotiating the unequal economic terms of the Bell Trade Act and the Laurel-Langley Agreement with Washington. The PKP meanwhile sought Soviet funds to secure national industrialization and the military might of the Marcos dictatorship to suppress their rival, the CPP. The informal network of the PKP, both its salaried ‘researchers’ and exiled representatives in Europe, allowed Marcos to circumvent the political barriers imposed by both domestic rivals and geopolitical ties with Washington. The informal network of the PKP provided Marcos with a domestic incentive as well, as the party endorsed Marcos’ dictatorship, ghostwriting his justification for martial law, and made support for his military rule a component of their constitution

Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1957-1974

In 1967 the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) split in two. Within two years a second party -- the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) -- had been founded. In this work I argue that it was the political program of Stalinism, embodied in both parties through three basic principles -- socialism in one country, the two-stage theory of revolution, and the bloc of four classes -- that determined the fate of political struggles in the Philippines in the late 1960s and early 1970s and facilitated Marcos' declaration of martial law in September 1972. I argue that the split in the Communist Party of the Philippines was the direct expression of the Sino-Soviet split in global Stalinism. The impact of this geopolitical split arrived late in the Philippines because it was initially refracted through Jakarta. It was in the wake of the massacre of the Indonesian Communist Party in 1965-66 that the PKP sought out new contacts with international Communism and in so doing was compelled to take sides in the raging dispute between Moscow and Beijing.On the basis of their common program of Stalinism, both parties in the wake of their split sought to form alliances with sections of the ruling class. The pro-Moscow party allied with Marcos, who was pursuing ties with Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. They facilitated and supported his declaration of martial law, murdering the members of the party who opposed this position. The pro-Beijing party responded by channeling the massive social unrest of this period behind the leadership of Marcos' political rivals. When Marcos declared martial law and arrested his rivals, the movement which had been subordinated to them died. The CPP channeled all residual mass opposition into the armed struggle in the countryside.I base my analysis on the copious documentary record produced by the CPP, PKP and their front organizations at the time, which I correlated carefully with contemporary newspaper accounts. Using this material, I was able to trace the day-to-day vicissitudes in the political line of the party and the rhetoric used to justify it. On this basis I document that the one unaltered thread woven throughout the entire immense tangle of shifting political tactics and alliances was the program of Stalinism

Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1957-1974

In 1967 the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) split in two. Within two years a second party -- the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) -- had been founded. In this work I argue that it was the political program of Stalinism, embodied in both parties through three basic principles -- socialism in one country, the two-stage theory of revolution, and the bloc of four classes -- that determined the fate of political struggles in the Philippines in the late 1960s and early 1970s and facilitated Marcos' declaration of martial law in September 1972. I argue that the split in the Communist Party of the Philippines was the direct expression of the Sino-Soviet split in global Stalinism. The impact of this geopolitical split arrived late in the Philippines because it was initially refracted through Jakarta. It was in the wake of the massacre of the Indonesian Communist Party in 1965-66 that the PKP sought out new contacts with international Communism and in so doing was compelled to take sides in the raging dispute between Moscow and Beijing.On the basis of their common program of Stalinism, both parties in the wake of their split sought to form alliances with sections of the ruling class. The pro-Moscow party allied with Marcos, who was pursuing ties with Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. They facilitated and supported his declaration of martial law, murdering the members of the party who opposed this position. The pro-Beijing party responded by channeling the massive social unrest of this period behind the leadership of Marcos' political rivals. When Marcos declared martial law and arrested his rivals, the movement which had been subordinated to them died. The CPP channeled all residual mass opposition into the armed struggle in the countryside.I base my analysis on the copious documentary record produced by the CPP, PKP and their front organizations at the time, which I correlated carefully with contemporary newspaper accounts. Using this material, I was able to trace the day-to-day vicissitudes in the political line of the party and the rhetoric used to justify it. On this basis I document that the one unaltered thread woven throughout the entire immense tangle of shifting political tactics and alliances was the program of Stalinism

Co‐Creating Ethical Practices and Approaches for Fieldwork

Abstract This article builds on perspectives shared at a Town Hall held during the 2021 AGU Fall Meeting focused on valuable lessons learned after publicized incidents of unethical field sampling. We present ideas and recommendations that are applicable across all Earth science disciplines. The major recommendation centers on equally valuing Indigenous and Western perspectives and knowledges, with actions that include building relationships with Indigenous communities, teaching ethical sampling protocols in geoscience curricula, and broadly implementing sharable sample archives. Co‐creating guidelines and practices with Indigenous partnership and expertise will ensure that equity is essential to geoethics and that geoscience is for society