INTERACTIONS BETWEEN VERB MOVEMENT AND AGREEMENT IN KARITIANA (TUPI STOCK)

Este artigo tem como objetivo mostrar que o Karitiana, uma língua da família Arikém, tronco Tupi, falada em Rondônia, Brasil, é uma língua V-2, que apresenta movimento obrigatório do verbo para a posição de complementizador (C) nas sentenças matrizes. O verbo transitivo, invariavelmente, ocorre em primeira ou segunda posição em relação a seus argumentos nas sentenças principais, quando aparece, obrigatoriamente, marcado por tempo e concordância. Já nas sentenças subordinadas, o verbo aparece nú na última posição. Apresentamos evidências de movimento verbal ao discutirmos a ordem dos constituintes, a posição dos núcleos funcionais nas sentenças, e as possibilidades de adjunção adverbial na língua. Abstract This paper aims to show that Karitiana, a language of the Arikém family, Tupi stock, spoken in Rondônia, Brazil, is a verb-second language, which presents obligatory movement of the verb to complementizer position (C) in root clauses. The transitive verb, invariably, occurs in first or second position with respect to its arguments in matrix clauses, when it is marked by tense and agreement morphology. In embedded clauses, the verb is bare and occurs in final position. We present evidence of verb movement through a discussion of constituent order, the position of functional heads in the sentence, and adverb adjunction possibilities

Aspects of a Karitiana grammar

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1999.Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-218).This dissertation is intended as a description of some theoretically interesting aspects of the phonology and syntax of the Karitiana language. Karitiana is the sole surviving language of the Arikem family (Tupi Stock), spoken today by approximately 200 people living in their own demarcated reservation located 95 Km south of Porto Velho, in the state of Rondonia, Brazil. Chapter 1 describes and analyzes the segmental phonology of the language. With respect to segmental features, special attention is given to the consonants of the nasal series, which undergo partial oralization in environments contiguous to oral vowels. I claim that this phenomenon gives support to the hypothesis that nasality must be represented as a binary feature. Another phenomenon of theoretical interest in Karitiana phonology is vocalic epenthesis, which is triggered by syllabification word-internally and by syllabification as well as stress clash avoidance in certain phrasal environments. I explain the interactions between epenthesis and stress assignment in a derivational model of cyclic phonology. Chapter 2 describes the pitch accent system of the language, in which tones are assigned to the same metrical plane in which stress is computed. In chapter 3, I show that the language is verb-final and that the verb obligatorily raises to the complementizer position (C) in matrix clauses to check tense and agreement features. In dependent clauses, the verb is final, and no agreement or tense is present. I draw a parallel between Karitiana and Germanic verb second languages: in both systems the matrix tensed verb must surface in C, and a phrase must fill Spec,CP. The latter is only a tendency in Karitiana. Standard agreement is nominative (absolutive), although whenever the object is A-bar moved to the focus position (Spec,CP) in nondeclarative focused clauses, the verb shows ergative agreement. I argue that the functional morphology inserted as a focus marker deactivates the agreement features of I, the functional head that would normally covertly agree with the ergative subject, and as a result, the other functional head bearing agreement features (C) agrees with the ergative subject. Chapter 5 describes other instances of non-declarative and declarative focus constructions.by Luciana R. Storto.Ph.D

The Phonetics and Phonology of Unreleased Stops in Karitiana

Karitiana, an endangered language from the Tupi stock, Arikem family, spoken in the state of Rondonia in Brazil, exhibits a number of interesting phenomena concerning stop consonants at the end of words. In particular, voiceless stops are always unreleased word-finally. This phenomenon has been observed as a occasional variant of stops in English (Laver 1994, Ladefoged & Maddieson 1996) and in a number of other languages such as Bamileke (Westermann & Ward 1952) and Efik (Cook 1969), and is systematic in Karitiana. Unreleased final stops are also common in Tupi languages and have been described by several researchers (e.g. Moore 1984; Galucio 1994, 1996; Gabas Jr. 1998, 1999; Storto 1999; Rose 2000). Such facts have rarely been described in a detailed manner. This paper describes some phonetic and phonological aspects of the nature of these sounds when they appear word finally. More specifically, three points will be examined: (i) voiceless stop consonants (there are no phonemic voiced consonants in Karitiana); (ii) nasal consonants, which have been described as unreleased word finally by Storto (1999), and (iii) the phonological behavior of these consonants in context

Classificação nominal em línguas Tupi

No presente trabalho, abordamos a classificação nominal em cinco línguas da família Tupi: Mekéns (ramo Tupari); Karitiana (ramo Arikém); Gavião (ramo Mondé); Karo (ramo Ramarama) e Munduruku (ramo Munduruku). Karo apresenta um sistema com 11 classificadores. Munduruku, de acordo com Gomes (2006, 2009), apresenta um sistema complexo de nomes inalienáveis classificadores de outros nomes, os quais se combinam também com adjetivos, verbos, numerais, entre outras categorias. Tendo em vista a complexidade desse sistema, analisamos esses nomes como classificadores que concordam com adjetivos, nomes e numerais, à semelhança do que ocorre com Karo entre nomes e adjetivos. Mekéns, Gavião e Karitiana não possuem classificadores e sim nomes (alienáveis e inalienáveis) que possuem uma semântica ligada à dos classificadores, já que eles estão presentes em contexto de possessão e funcionam como modificadores de outros nomes. Utilizando-nos do método comparativo, identificamos cognatos entre os classificadores do Karo e do Munduruku e os nomes do Mekéns, Gavião e Karitiana. Quatro dessas formas foram reconstruidas como nomes por Rodrigues (2005, 2007), Rodrigues e Cabral (2012), e uma quinta forma foi reconstruída por nós. Os resultados da reconstrução das formas nominais em Proto-Tupi nos fizeram concluir que Karo e Munduruku inovaram ao criarem um sistema de classificadores não presente na protolíngua. No entanto, é altamente plausível que estes nomes tenham tido, já na proto-língua, uma função classificadora

Karitiana - Gokyp - O Sol

A narrativa mítica intitulada Gokyp, ‘O Sol’, que aqui se apresenta, contada por Garcia Karitiana, descreve a origem do sol como uma criança febril que foi crescendo sempre febril e após tornar-se cada vez mais quente e despertar o medo e a ira dos humanos ao seu redor, deixou de ser humano, tornando-se o astro celeste. Gokyp subiu ao céu através do pilar central que escorava o telhado da casa onde vivia, queimando os homens que tinham vindo matá-lo, e que se tornaram cinzas esparramadas no chão após a sua ascensão

Kin terms in Karitiana and how they may contribute to the reconstruction of Proto-Tupian kin terminology

Abstract This paper reports a case study that discusses issues related to the reconstruction of kinship terminology in Proto-Tupi, based on previous work by Araújo and Storto (2002) on the Arikém and Juruna subfamilies. It also presents the remaining kin terminology of the Karitiana language (Arikém branch or subfamily) which was not discussed in the case study. Comparing Karitiana (Landin, 1989) and Juruna (Lima, 1995) kin terminology, Araújo and Storto (2002) have shown that some cognates can be found in the two languages and proposed that they reconstruct in Proto-Tupi. These authors claim that these reconstructed items indicate the following hypotheses: (1) the speakers of Proto-Tupi (4500 BP) had a Dravidian kinship system; (2) the speakers of Proto-Tupi had a kinship and naming system in which ego was equated with the paternal grandparent of the same sex as ego. Besides the 11 cognates discussed by Araújo and Storto (2002), we discuss the remaining 19 kin terms that form the Karitiana kinship system according to Landin (1989)

Lip gestures in Kariatina

http://coloquio.pucp.edu.pe/amazonicas/presentacion/International audienc