9 research outputs found

    REFLEXÕES SOBRE A MARCAÇÃO MORFOLÓGICA DO OBJETO DIRETO POR A EM PORTUGUÊS BRASILEIRO | OBSERVATIONS ON THE MORPHOLOGICAL A-MARKING OF DIRECT OBJECTS IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE

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    Como é sabido, o espanhol é uma língua românica que requer que certos objetos diretos (OD) sejam morfologicamente marcados por a, a chamada Marcação Diferencial do Objeto (DOM). Em outras línguas românicas, tais como o português europeu e brasileiro, por outro lado, objetos diretos animados não são geralmente marcados. Contudo, vários estudos diacrônicos mostram que a marcação morfológica por a do objeto direto era possível nos séculos XVI a XVIII em português, e houve um declínio nesse uso a partir dessa época. Interessantemente, no português brasileiro a marcação do objeto direto por a é ainda possível (ou opcional) em alguns contextos restritos. Neste trabalho, observo o espanhol e o português brasileiro para mostrar que essas línguas são diferentes com relação à marcação por a do objeto direto, mas semelhantes com relação ao fato de que objetos diretos animados são computados externamente ao vP. O trabalho pretende contribuir para a discussão dos efeitos da animacidade do objeto direto na sintaxe.Abstract: As is well-known, Spanish is a Romance language which requires that certain direct objects (DO) be morphologically marked by the preposition “a” (to), the so-called Differential Object Marking (DOM). In other Romance languages, such as European and Brazilian Portuguese, on the other hand, animate direct objects are not generally marked. However, several diachronic studies show that the morphological a-marking of the direct object was possible from the 16th to 18th centuries in Portuguese, and there was a decline of that use from then on. Interestingly, in Brazilian Portuguese, DO a-marking is still possible (or optional) in some restricted contexts. In this paper, I look at Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese to show that these languages are different with respect to the occurrence of the a-marking of the DO, but similar in relation to the fact that animate direct objects are moved to a position  above the vP. This paper aims to contribute to the discussion on the effects ofanimacy of direct objects in syntax

    How much syntax is there in Metalinguistic Negation?

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    This paper explores the syntax of unambiguous metalinguistic negation (MN) markers in European Portuguese (EP) with the main goal of demonstrating the syntactic import of MN. Taking the EP facts as a means to gain insight into the grammatical encoding of MN in natural language, the paper shows that unambiguous MN markers split into two types: peripheral and internal. This split is confirmed by their contrasting behavior with respect to different syntactic tests, e.g.: availability in isolation and nominal fragments; ability to take scope over negation and emphatic/contrastive high constituents; compatibility with VP Ellipsis. Peripheral MN markers respond positively to all the tests, whereas internal ones respond negatively. These facts are derived from a syntactic analysis where CP plays a central and unifying role. It is proposed that while the cross-linguistically pervasive peripheral MN markers directly merge into Spec,CP, the more unusual sentence-internal MN markers are rooted in the TP domain and reach Spec,CP by movement. The centrality of the CP field is motivated by elaborating on Farkas and Bruce’s (2010) model of polarity features. Under the hypothesis that besides the relative polarity features [same] and [reverse], there is a feature [objection] that singles out MN declaratives among responding assertions, this is taken to be the edge feature that drives unambiguous MN markers into the CP space.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

    Null object and tonic pronoun and their anaphoric relation in BP : an analysis in written corpora with spoken language traits

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    Neste trabalho, apresentaremos os resultados de nossa investigação sobre o fenômeno da retomada anafórica de objeto direto em PB analisando dois corpora escritos que apresentam características de oralidade e tentam se aproximar da fala: um corpus constituído de histórias em quadrinhos infantis e outro contendo postagens do Twitter. Investigamos esses corpora com dois objetivos: o primeiro é comparar duas hipóteses sobre a distribuição entre objetos nulos e pronomes (uma que leva em consideração os traços de animacidade e especificidade do antecedente do elemento anafórico e outra que considera o traço de gênero semântico do antecedente). Nosso segundo objetivo é determinar a distribuição entre objetos nulos, clíticos pronominais e pronomes plenos de 3ª pessoa na retomada anafórica de objetos diretos, para verificar se essa distribuição se aproxima mais ao que se reporta, na literatura, a estudos de língua falada ou escrita.In this article, we present the results of our research on the phenomenon of anaphoric direct object in PB by analyzing two corpora that present oral characteristics and try to mimic oral speech: a corpus consisting of children’s comics and the other of Twitter posts. We investigate these corpora with two objectives in mind: the first is to compare two hypotheses about the distribution between null objects and pronouns (one that takes into account the features of animation and specificity of the antecedent of the anaphoric element and the other considers the semantic gender of the antecedent). Our second goal is to determine the distribution of null objects, pronominal clitics and 3rd person tonic pronouns in anaphoric direct objects, in order to verify if this distribution is closer to what is reported in literature in studies of spoken or written language

    Null object and tonic pronoun and their anaphoric relation in BP : an analysis in written corpora with spoken language traits

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    Neste trabalho, apresentaremos os resultados de nossa investigação sobre o fenômeno da retomada anafórica de objeto direto em PB analisando dois corpora escritos que apresentam características de oralidade e tentam se aproximar da fala: um corpus constituído de histórias em quadrinhos infantis e outro contendo postagens do Twitter. Investigamos esses corpora com dois objetivos: o primeiro é comparar duas hipóteses sobre a distribuição entre objetos nulos e pronomes (uma que leva em consideração os traços de animacidade e especificidade do antecedente do elemento anafórico e outra que considera o traço de gênero semântico do antecedente). Nosso segundo objetivo é determinar a distribuição entre objetos nulos, clíticos pronominais e pronomes plenos de 3ª pessoa na retomada anafórica de objetos diretos, para verificar se essa distribuição se aproxima mais ao que se reporta, na literatura, a estudos de língua falada ou escrita.In this article, we present the results of our research on the phenomenon of anaphoric direct object in PB by analyzing two corpora that present oral characteristics and try to mimic oral speech: a corpus consisting of children’s comics and the other of Twitter posts. We investigate these corpora with two objectives in mind: the first is to compare two hypotheses about the distribution between null objects and pronouns (one that takes into account the features of animation and specificity of the antecedent of the anaphoric element and the other considers the semantic gender of the antecedent). Our second goal is to determine the distribution of null objects, pronominal clitics and 3rd person tonic pronouns in anaphoric direct objects, in order to verify if this distribution is closer to what is reported in literature in studies of spoken or written language

    O sujeito na fala fílmica brasileira

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    The present study, based on a corpus of contemporary Brazilian film dia- logues (Sub-Corpus Carioca Urbano, Corpus I-Fala, Luso-Brazilian Film Dialogues as a resource for L1 & L2 Learning and Linguistic Research), illustrates how Brazilian Portuguese (BP) has undergone a process of change in the representation of referential subjects, with preference for overt pronominal subjects, passing from being a null subject language to being a partial null subject language. Thus, the current work revisits De Rosa (2017) by including 3rd person subjects and using film dialogue transcriptions (not scripts) and discusses the presence of null and overt subjects in the corpus, both quantitatively and qualitatively. The study also compares the filmic data to spontaneous speech and shows a basically conservative nature of the former
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