Proses Politisasi Dana Punia pada Pemilihan Umum Kepala Daerah Kabupaten Badung Tahun 2015 di Desa Pecatu

Dana punia activities that are not classified into the money politic activities, became the basis of the highlights of this study to show how the dana punia have been politicized to hide money politics. As a step theoretical, this study uses the theory of democracy collusive Dan Slater, who raises collusion and twilight institution theory in doing analysis of the research results. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative method, while data collecting technique through interview (interview), chat with many people (discorse) and document analysis. Field findings indicate dana punia as a means of communication instruments candidates to obtain the support and voice of the community. Furthermore, there are no rules that prohibit their dana punia activities at the election moments. In addition to the initiative of candidates, dana punia was needed by the people for ceremonial purposes, repair temples facilities. The theoretical implications to shows that the theory of collusive democratic and twilight institution affect the voters and community support for election candidates who give dana punia in head district of Badung Regency General Election in 2016 in Pecatu village

Multikulturalisme Desa Di Bali Dalam Kontrol Negara: Implementasi Dana Desa bagi Kegiatan Lintas Budaya di Badung dan Buleleng

This study examines the implementation of village funds related to the development of cross-cultural activities in Badung and Buleleng. Whether the pattern is instructive translation of sloganitic deconcentration tasks or participatory institutionalization that sets out the need for cross-cultural issues in the village. The Tamatea Study (2006), Parker (2017), and Gottowick (2010) discuss multiculturalism as the nature of local wisdom which is described as responding to people's daily problems. Another study, Kwon (2018) and Selenica (2018) looked at multiculturalism in the perspective of intercultural conflict. This research takes a different position from previous research by criticizing the construction of state control over multiculturalism that runs at the grassroots. Control construction is seen from the management of village funds for cross-cultural activities that are operationalized through guaranteed equality of ethnic and religious groups. The research paradigm is non-positive with case studies. Data collection methods utilize observation, interviews and documentation. The perspective used is interpretive with the theory of discourse. Research results show that state control is firmly embedded in the development of multiculturalism in villages. The nature of control is meaningfully driven, administrative control of budgeting has the potential to have an inhibiting effect on the development of the potential of the village concerned, including the development of multiculturalism activities in the village. Such as overlapping regulations on financial accountability, lack of socialization of regulations and assume that village human resources have understood every multicultural development program (especially the deconcentration program), injustice attitude views the potential of the village and bias behavior rules that are biased. Various attitudes are often shown by vertical government officials, such as sub-districts, offices (OPD), and ministries, which are counterproductive to oversee the development of the attitude of the development of multiculturalism in the village. Villages are forced to translate multicultural development programs that are trapped in administrative accountability which in reality compartmentalize the potential of the resources within

POLITICS THROUGH FASHION: JOKOWI, SEMIOTICS, AND THE AGE OF SOCIAL MEDIA

This study explores the complexity of Jokowi’s political fashion as a visual marker of status, identity, and political power, along with the digital technology advancement. The purpose of this article is to analysed details about Jokowi’s political power through fashion, which is related to five specific moments during the 2019 political campaign until his current leadership. The authors classified two typologies of clothing, including white and black shades of casual clothes and Indonesia’s traditional clothes. Roland Barthes’s semiotics theory and methods helps us to interpret series of symbols on Jokowi’s clothing. This is a qualitative research with document analysis procedure, including electronic material contain text and images (Jokowi’s Instagram archives) related to the main issue. Research shown that clothing wasn’t just an everyday business for Jokowi, but it is also tools that brands his personal identity. Public attention is often stolen when he incorporates local elements in his fashion style. The value of diversity (Kebhinnekaan) in Jokowi’s traditional clothing appearance couldn’t be separated with his identity as a president, as political figure, as Jokowi

Why do regional actors comply? : subnational structure and collective action in Indonesia, 1990-2001

Includes bibliographical references (pages [324]-353).This dissertation is an effort to explain and understand variation in regional actors' compliance to central authority in Indonesia, a country in which the national government has made determined attempts to unify, homogenize, and dominate. The central thesis of this study is that regional actors' compliance with central authority is shaped directly by their capacity to conduct collective action and is influenced indirectly by regional, social, and economic structures and central penetration policies. The objectives of this study are: (1) to provide a comprehensive view of the nature of central and regional power relationships in Indonesia along various dimensions of compliance, covering both authoritarian and transitional eras; (2) to provide a new understanding of regional compliance that emphasizes the salience of regional, social, and economic structures, as well as collective action capacity; and (3) to show connections among general theory, methodology, and politics. The morphogenetic framework that guided the study found more empirical support from the recent years of democratic transition (1998–2001) than from the end of the end of the authoritarian period (1990–1997). A triangulation of various techniques—multidimensional scaling, path analysis, and process tracing—lends support to the following conclusions: (1) regional collective action had a direct impact on regional compliance; (2) the effect of penetration policy on regional compliance was mediated by regional variables (socio-economic structures and collective action); and (3) the impact of regional economic structure was mediated by regional collective action. A high level of compliance in East Kalimantan was explained by high levels of penetration policy, regional commercialism, and social fragmentation, and a low capacity for conducting collective action. The case of Papua, on the other hand, was an example of low compliance with central authority and a high capacity for regional collective action. The case of West Sumatra manifested the workings of regional social structure, whereas the effects of regional commercialism were most important in Bali. Although the last two cases were marked by moderate levels of compliance, the objectives of collective activism varied, as did their modes of compliance.Ph.D. (Doctor of Philosophy