234 research outputs found

    "It's about breaking with the Stalinist tradition!": Interview with Nicos Poulantzas on authoritarian etatism in Western Europe and the strategy of the labor movement - conducted by Rodrigo Vaquez-Prada*

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    Gelegentlich hat man ihm Formalismus und Abstraktheit vorgeworfen. Dennoch - trotz aller Kritik, die dagegen vorgebracht werden kann - bildet das Werk dieses in Paris niedergelassenen Griechen ohne jeden Zweifel einen der solidesten und originĂ€rsten BeitrĂ€ge zum gegenwĂ€rtigen Marxismus.Vor einem Jahrzehnt, bei der Beschreibung seiner eigenen geistigen Entwicklung, hat Nicos Poulantzas geschrieben, daß „in Epochen der Krise die theoretische Revolution in der Geschichte des Denkens wie eine Lokomotive wirkt". Heute wĂ€re die Behauptung nicht mehr ĂŒbertrieben, daß sein Werk - gegenĂŒber den mechanistischen und dogmatischen Schemata stalinistischen Zuschnitts - eine solche Rolle gespielt hat, wĂ€hrend Poulantzas selbst eine bestimmte Form des „politischen Eingriffs" in genau umrissene politische Situationen praktizierte. Und diese Orientierung seiner theoretischen Arbeit tritt mit aller Deutlichkeit in seinen bisherigen Werken hervor. Das gilt auch fĂŒr seinen erst kĂŒrzlich publizierten Essay „L 'Etat, Je Pouvoir, Je Socialisme", deutsch: Staatstheorie (Hamburg 1978), in dem er scharfsinnig und klar ĂŒber das reflektiert, was er den ,autoritĂ€ren Etatismus' nennt - eine neue Staatsform, die dabei ist, sich in den LĂ€ndern des entwickelten Kapitalismus, in den europĂ€ischen LĂ€ndern, herauszubilden.Occasionally he has been accused of formalism and abstractness. Nevertheless, despite all the criticism that can be voiced against it, the work of this Paris-based Greek undoubtedly constitutes one of the most solid and original contributions to contemporary Marxism. A decade ago, in describing his own spiritual development, Nicos Poulantzas wrote that "in epochs of crisis, the theoretical revolution in the history of thought acts as a locomotive". Today it would no longer be an exaggeration to claim that his work played such a role - against the mechanistic and dogmatic schemata of Stalinism - while Poulantzas himself practised a certain form of "political intervention" in precisely defined political situations. And this orientation of his theoretical work emerges with all clarity in his previous works. This also applies to his recently published essay "L 'Etat, Je Pouvoir, Je Socialisme", German: Staatstheorie (Hamburg 1978), in which he sharply and clearly reflects on what he calls 'authoritarian etatism' - a new form of government that is in the process of forming in the countries of developed capitalism, in the European countries

    State, State Institutions, and Political Power in Brazil

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    The political conflicts during the Workers’ Party administrations led by Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff have been driven by disputes between two fractions of the country’s bourgeoisie: the internal and the internationalized bourgeoisie. Their ideologies, policies, institutions, and forms of political representation have determined government policies and outcomes. These processes have unfolded within an authoritarian democracy whose structures have not been challenged by the party. The party’s limited power and continuing timidity have produced an aggressive reaction by the internationalized bourgeoisie and the upper middle class, leading to a severe crisis in the administration of President Dilma Rousseff

    The form and content of the Greek crisis legislation

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    This paper offers a dialectical analysis of the law relating to the Greek crisis. The form and content of the measures introduced in the Greek legal system to deal with the debt crisis is examined under the concept of ‘necessity’. It is argued that this concept, used by the Greek Council of State to justify the constitutionality of these measures, opens a path for a more comprehensive analysis of the measures implemented through the mechanism of the Greek Memoranda of Understanding. The measures are seen as ‘necessary’: on the one hand in their accordance and basis on principles of the European Union; on the other hand in their class orientation and reflecting of specific social (class) interests. But despite their necessity, neither their content, nor the form of implementation of these measures is fixed; it is rather contingent, i.e. dependent on the level of intensification of social (class and intra-class) and economic antagonisms

    Regulatory regionalism and anti-money-laundering governance in Asia

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    With the intensification of the Financial Action Task Force's (FATF's) worldwide campaign to promote anti-money-laundering regulation since the late 1990s, all Asian states except North Korea have signed up to its rules and have established a regional institution—the Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering—to promote and oversee the implementation of FATF's 40 Recommendations in the region. This article analyses the FATF regime, making two key claims. First, anti-money-laundering governance in Asia reflects a broader shift to regulatory regionalism, particularly in economic matters, in that its implementation and functioning depend upon the rescaling of ostensibly domestic agencies to function within a regional governance regime. Second, although this form of regulatory regionalism is established in order to bypass the perceived constraints of national sovereignty and political will, it nevertheless inevitably becomes entangled within the socio-political conflicts that shape the exercise of state power more broadly. Consequently, understanding the outcomes of regulatory regionalism involves identifying how these conflicts shape how far and in what manner global regulations are adopted and implemented within specific territories. This argument is demonstrated by a case study of Myanmar

    Liberalization, globalization and the dynamics of democracy in India

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    In the closing decades of the twentieth century there has been an almost complete intellectual triumph of the twin principles of marketization (understood here as referring to the liberalization of domestic markets and freer international mobility of goods, services, financial capital and perhaps, more arguably, labour) and democratization . A paradigm shift of this extent and magnitude would not have occurred in the absence of some broad consensus among policymakers and (sections of) intellectuals around the globe on the desirability of such a change. There seems to be a two-fold causal nexus between marketization and democracy. The first is more direct, stemming from the fact of both systems sharing certain values and attitudes in common. But there is also a second more indirect chain from marketization to democracy, which is predicated via three sub-chains (i) from marketization to growth, (ii) from growth to overall material development welfare and (iii) from material development to social welfare and democracy. We examine each of these sub-links in detail with a view to obtaining a greater understanding of the hypothesized role of free markets in promoting democracies. In the later part of the paper we examine the socio-economic outcomes governing the quality of democracy in a specifically Indian context

    The end of global constitutionalism and rise of antidemocratic politics

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    Drawing upon the idea of “constitutional antagonism” this article offers a critique of the liberal cosmopolitan framing global constitutionalism and its response to the rise of antidemocratic and “populist” authoritarian politics. Liberal cosmopolitan approaches to global constitutionalism generally pay inadequate attention to the ways in which neoliberal ideology and rationality have come to dominate the fragmented networks and structures of global constitutionalism and the connected emergence of an anti-cosmopolitan and authoritarian discourse of “nationalist neoliberalism”. Against the limits of liberal cosmopolitanism, and against the twin threats of neoliberal transnational governance and neoliberal nationalist, interstate conflict, it is argued that if an idea of transnational or global constitutionalism is to be held onto and retain any value then it must be based upon socially transformative ideas of egalitarian and ecological social justice and enacted through legal and political strategies and struggles that attempt to actively displace neoliberal ideology and rationality
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