294 research outputs found

    From "Mare Nostrum" to International Maritime Cooperation: How History Can Offer Constructive Answers to Future Prospects in the Mediterranean

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    Since antiquity, the Mediterranean region witnessed the rise and fall of all kinds of political and economic systems. It has always been the laboratory of human societies, a melting pot of different religions, philosophies and ethnic groups. Mediterranean countries saw astonishing cultural and aesthetic achievements, but also experienced destruction and acts of barbarism. The Mediterranean gave birth to one of the most powerful political concepts, the idea of the occidental and oriental hemisphere. With the beginning of global capitalism and transatlantic trade, the Mediterranean lost much of its strategic importance and economic momentum. But stagnation is never an option. Today, with the rise of China as the new global player, the Mediterranean and its regional powers gain new options, too. Participation is the key, and mutual understanding a possible beginning. Only international cooperation, global trade and cultural exchange will help to stabilize the vulnerable equilibrium in the Mediterranean. So, what lessons can be learned from history to better understand and explore today's political and economic potential of the Mediterranean? Some historical figurations persist or have a surprising coming-back, indicating some striking parallels between the Mediterranean of history and the present day

    The lost global balance: recent publications on geopolitical change

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    The latest books on geopolitics, although written from slightly different perspectives, have one idea in common. Their starting point is the obvious geostrategic shift from the Atlantic to the Asian hemisphere. What does this dramatic power shift from West to East bear for European states? China's rise to hegemonial status is without any doubt the greatest political and economic challenge of our times. It implies a completely new global order, including the redefinition of Western (i.e. American and European) interests, power and limitations. Western Europe and Northern America have lost their claim to be, on a global scale, the most influential socio-economic and cultural formation. Today, Asia represents roughly 75 percent of the human population, worldwide

    Stength is weakness

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    After Easternisation - War and Peace in the Asian Century (2016) comes the next extensive political analysis by Gideon Rachman, chief foreign affairs columnist for Financial Times and, for ten years, a prominent commentator on the political and geostrategic aspects of globalization. In Easternisation, Rachman gave a poignant portrayal of China's growing economic, political and military power as Asia's unchallenged hegemon. He clearly indicated a power and culture shift from the transatlantic to the Indo-pacific hemisphere

    Exploring the use of dynamic linear panel data models for evaluating energy/economy/environment models — an application for the transportation sector

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    This paper uses the RoSE transportation sector scenarios of the GCAM and REMIND energy-economy-models for the U.S. region to derive and compare these models’ intrinsic elasticities with those resulting from historical trends, estimates from the literature, and across each other. To estimate the model-intrinsic elasticities, we explore the use of dynamic linear panel data models. On the basis of 26 scenarios (panels) between 2010 and 2050, our analysis suggests that nearly all model-intrinsic elasticities with respect to final energy use are roughly comparable to each other, to those observed historically, and to those from other studies. The key difference is these models’ comparatively low intrinsic income elasticity of final energy use. This and other minor differences are interpreted through key assumptions underlying both energy-economy-models

    L’inconscient dans le texte littĂ©raire?

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    Quand l’inconscient passe la frontiĂšre du conscient, il n’est plus inconscient; il devient “consciencialisable”, il n’est donc plus ce qu’il avait Ă©tĂ© jusquelĂ : il n’est plus luimĂȘme. Comment pourrionsnous le percevoir Ă  ce momentlĂ , comme quelque chose d’inconscient ou bien mĂȘme en parler scientifiquement? Et comment pourrions nous parler de l’inconscient en tant qu’élĂ©ment appartenant Ă  la littĂ©rature, ou en en tant qu’élĂ©ment constitutif de celleci ou mĂȘme comme oeuvre littĂ©raire, quand, dans un premier temps, nous percevons le texte littĂ©raire comme une simple disposition de lettres, et non comme un ĂȘtre humain, dont nous pourrions expliquer les actes par des motivations inconscientes? Quel Ă©lĂ©ment traverse la limite de l’inconscient vers le conscient, puis traverse la frontiĂšre entre l’homme et le texte et repasse du texte Ă  l’homme? Qu’est ce que cela signifiait autrefois, qu’est ce que cela signifie Ă  l’heure actuelle? Se produitil vraiment quelque chose? Y atil vraiment “quelque chose” qui traverse la frontiĂšre menant au texte? Qu’est ce qui nous donne donc le droit, au nom de la “science”, de formuler des suppositions psychanalytiques sur l’inconscient d’un texte

    NGOs in China: die Entwicklung des Dritten Sektors

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    "In China sind in den vergangen zwei Jahrzehnten geschĂ€tzt ĂŒber 2 Millionen NGOs entstanden, ohne die Sozial-, Gesundheits- und Umweltpolitik kaum noch umsetzbar wĂ€ren. Auch internationale NGOs, die sich in China engagieren und mit chinesischen NGOs kooperieren haben diese Entwicklung unterstĂŒtzt. Die besonderen Arbeitsbedingungen von NGOs sind durch eine ambivalente Haltung der Regierung geprĂ€gt: Einerseits wird die Arbeit von NGOs von der Regierung gefördert, weil sie gebraucht werden, um die sozialen, ökonomischen und ökologischen Folgen der Reformpolitik seit 1978 zu kompensieren. Andererseits sind die politischen und gesetzlichen Regelungen, denen NGOs unterworfen sind, derart restriktiv, dass die meisten NGOs illegal oder semilegal arbeiten mĂŒssen. Zudem sind viele Organisationen, die sich de jure als NGO bezeichnen, de facto ausgelagerte staatliche Behörden. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung werden die politischen und juristischen Rahmenbedingungen, denen chinesische und internationale NGOs unterworfen sind, im Kontext der internationalen NGO- und Dritte-Sektor-Theorie beschrieben. Im Anschluss werden die Besonderheiten des Dritten Sektors an Beispielen dargestellt. Damit soll eine Grundlage fĂŒr weitergehende vertiefende Untersuchungen zum Thema geboten werden." (Autorenreferat)"During the past two decades, more than 2 million NGOs emerged in China. Especially for the current Chinese social, health, and ecologic policies, NGOs are nearly indispensable. International NGOs, working in cooperation with Chinese NGOs, have supported this development. The special conditions NGOs must adhere to are characterized by the ambivalent approach the government takes on NGOs: On the one hand, NGO work is supported because there is a need to compensate for the social, economic, and ecological consequences which have accompanied the politics of reform since 1978. On the other hand, the government poses high political and legislative restrictions on NGOs, so that an overwhelming number of them cannot be officially registered and, therefore, are forced to work in an illegal or semi-legal context. Many organizations register de jure as NGOs, but are de facto outsourced administrative bodies. This article gives a comprehensive account of the prevailing political circumstances and legal provisions under which both Chinese and international NGOs act on the basis of the international NGO- and Third-Sector-Theory. The characteristics of the Chinese Third Sector are illustrated by examples. This article also offers a sound basis for further and more specific studies on the subject." (author's abstract
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