Rauaroha: He tohu Aroha rau i te akoranga

Nö te tau 2001 i whakatüria ai e Ako Aotearoa (National Centre for Tertiary Teaching Excellence) tëtahi tohu hei whakanui i ngä mahi a te tangata e whakaako ana i te taumata takiura. Me whakaatu te kaiwhiwhi tohu i tana ü roa ki ngä taumata tiketike rawa i tana mahi whakaako. Tekau mä rua ngä kaiwhiwhi toa i ia tau, kätahi ka whiriwhirihia ai e tëtahi kömiti kaiwhakawä kia kotahi te tangata e whiwhi nei i te Tohu Tiketike o te Pirimia. Mö ngä tau e whä kua hipa ake nei i riro i ngä kaiako Mäori te tohu tiketike nei. Ko te aronga o tënei tuhinga he whakaatu i ngä ähuatanga o ënei kaiako kia märama pai atu ai te whakaaro tiketike o te Mäori ki tënei mea te ako

Poia atu / mai (?) taku poi – The Polynesian Origins of Poi

Poi is recognised around the world as a performance item unique to Māori. The word poi refers to a Māori dance or game performed with a ball-like object, to which a cord of varying length is attached. Poi refers to both the ball and the dance, which normally includes hitting and swinging the ball on its string, usually accompanied by music or a chant of some kind. One of New Zealand’s most renowned anthropologists, Sir Peter Buck, who was an authoritative figure spearheading the research into the material culture of the Māori, states that “the women’s poi dance … used an accessory in the form of the poi ball which is unique for Polynesia.” This is a common view of poi. However, this paper questions the uniqueness of poi to the Māori people by showing that the origins of poi can be found in other regions of Polynesia. Specifically, it will trace the movement of poi from Western to Eastern Polynesia; the same path taken by Māori during their migration to New Zealand. It will look at ball games from islands throughout Polynesia with forms and functions similar to those of poi to demonstrate the evolution of poi towards its use in Māori society. Poia atu taku poi, wania atu taku poi (swing far my poi, skim onward my poi) are the age-old words used figuratively in poi compositions to send the poi on a journey over the land and its people; visiting mountains, rivers, forests, villages, whānau (families), hapü (sub-tribes), and iwi (tribes). The words demonstrate the importance of the connections a composer of poi compositions has with each of the above entities. Using this saying I pose the question: Poia atu taku poi? Poia mai taku poi? Did Māori send the poi to the world or was the poi sent to them?UnpublishedFALSEP Buck, The Coming of the Maori, 2nd edition (Wellington: Maori Purposes Fund Board, 1950), 243. / HW Williams, Dictionary of the Maori Language. 7th edition (Wellington: GP Publications, 1971), 288. / W Mariner, An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands (London: John Murray, 1817), 344. / EG Burrows, Ethnology of Uvea (Wallis Island), Bulletin 145 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1937), 154. / JB Stair, Old Samoa, or, Flotsam and Jetsam from the Pacific Ocean (London: Religious Tract Society, 1897; reprint Papakura: Southern Reprints, 1983), 138. / E & P Beaglehole, Ethnology of Pukapuka, Bulletin 150 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1938), 361. / P Buck, Arts and Crafts of the Cook Islands, Bulletin 179 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1944), 250. / KP Emory, Material Culture of the Tuamotu Archipelago (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1944), 233. / EG Burrows, Native music of the Tuamotus, Bulletin 109 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1933), 37. / E Best, Games and Pastimes of the Maori: An Account of Various Exercises, Games and Pastimes of the Natives of New Zealand, as practised in former times; including some information containing their Vocal and Instrumental Music (Wellington: Whitcombe & Tombs, 1925), 54. / P Buck, Ethnology of Mangareva, Bulletin 157 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1938), 185. / ESC Handy, The Native Culture in the Marquesas, Bulletin 9 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1923), 302. / J Davies, A Tahitian and English Dictionary (Tahiti: London Missionary Society’s Press, 1851), 194. / EN Ferdon, Early Tonga: As the Explorers saw It 1616 – 1810 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987), 173-174. / P Buck, Arts and Crafts of Hawaii, Bulletin 45 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1957), 375-376. / C Wilkes, Narrative of the United States’ Exploring Expedition during the Years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, (Papakura: R. McMillan, n.d), 110. / R Linton, The Material Culture of the Marquesas Islands, Publication 5 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1923), 388. / E Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand; with contributions to the Geography, Geology, Botany, and Natural History of that Country (London: John Murray, 1843; reprint, Christchurch: Capper Press, 1974), 56. / JH Beattie, Traditional Lifeways of the Southern Māori: Otago University Museum Ethnological Project, 1920. Edited by Atholl Anderson. (Dunedin: University of Otago Press in association with the Otago Museum, 1994). / J Evans, Discovery of Aotearoa (Auckland: Reed, 1998), 25. / R Harlow, “Regional Variation in Maori,” New Zealand Journal of Archaeology 1 (1979): 135. / E Tregear, The Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary (Christchurch: Whitcombe and Tombs, 1891), xiv

Poia atu / mai (?) taku poi – The Polynesian Origins of Poi

Poi is recognised around the world as a performance item unique to Māori. The word poi refers to a Māori dance or game performed with a ball-like object, to which a cord of varying length is attached. Poi refers to both the ball and the dance, which normally includes hitting and swinging the ball on its string, usually accompanied by music or a chant of some kind. One of New Zealand’s most renowned anthropologists, Sir Peter Buck, who was an authoritative figure spearheading the research into the material culture of the Māori, states that “the women’s poi dance … used an accessory in the form of the poi ball which is unique for Polynesia.” This is a common view of poi. However, this paper questions the uniqueness of poi to the Māori people by showing that the origins of poi can be found in other regions of Polynesia. Specifically, it will trace the movement of poi from Western to Eastern Polynesia; the same path taken by Māori during their migration to New Zealand. It will look at ball games from islands throughout Polynesia with forms and functions similar to those of poi to demonstrate the evolution of poi towards its use in Māori society. Poia atu taku poi, wania atu taku poi (swing far my poi, skim onward my poi) are the age-old words used figuratively in poi compositions to send the poi on a journey over the land and its people; visiting mountains, rivers, forests, villages, whānau (families), hapü (sub-tribes), and iwi (tribes). The words demonstrate the importance of the connections a composer of poi compositions has with each of the above entities. Using this saying I pose the question: Poia atu taku poi? Poia mai taku poi? Did Māori send the poi to the world or was the poi sent to them?UnpublishedFALSEP Buck, The Coming of the Maori, 2nd edition (Wellington: Maori Purposes Fund Board, 1950), 243. / HW Williams, Dictionary of the Maori Language. 7th edition (Wellington: GP Publications, 1971), 288. / W Mariner, An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands (London: John Murray, 1817), 344. / EG Burrows, Ethnology of Uvea (Wallis Island), Bulletin 145 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1937), 154. / JB Stair, Old Samoa, or, Flotsam and Jetsam from the Pacific Ocean (London: Religious Tract Society, 1897; reprint Papakura: Southern Reprints, 1983), 138. / E & P Beaglehole, Ethnology of Pukapuka, Bulletin 150 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1938), 361. / P Buck, Arts and Crafts of the Cook Islands, Bulletin 179 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1944), 250. / KP Emory, Material Culture of the Tuamotu Archipelago (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1944), 233. / EG Burrows, Native music of the Tuamotus, Bulletin 109 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1933), 37. / E Best, Games and Pastimes of the Maori: An Account of Various Exercises, Games and Pastimes of the Natives of New Zealand, as practised in former times; including some information containing their Vocal and Instrumental Music (Wellington: Whitcombe & Tombs, 1925), 54. / P Buck, Ethnology of Mangareva, Bulletin 157 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1938), 185. / ESC Handy, The Native Culture in the Marquesas, Bulletin 9 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1923), 302. / J Davies, A Tahitian and English Dictionary (Tahiti: London Missionary Society’s Press, 1851), 194. / EN Ferdon, Early Tonga: As the Explorers saw It 1616 – 1810 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987), 173-174. / P Buck, Arts and Crafts of Hawaii, Bulletin 45 (Honolulu: Bernice P. Bishop Museum, 1957), 375-376. / C Wilkes, Narrative of the United States’ Exploring Expedition during the Years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, (Papakura: R. McMillan, n.d), 110. / R Linton, The Material Culture of the Marquesas Islands, Publication 5 (Honolulu: Bernice P Bishop Museum, 1923), 388. / E Dieffenbach, Travels in New Zealand; with contributions to the Geography, Geology, Botany, and Natural History of that Country (London: John Murray, 1843; reprint, Christchurch: Capper Press, 1974), 56. / JH Beattie, Traditional Lifeways of the Southern Māori: Otago University Museum Ethnological Project, 1920. Edited by Atholl Anderson. (Dunedin: University of Otago Press in association with the Otago Museum, 1994). / J Evans, Discovery of Aotearoa (Auckland: Reed, 1998), 25. / R Harlow, “Regional Variation in Maori,” New Zealand Journal of Archaeology 1 (1979): 135. / E Tregear, The Maori-Polynesian Comparative Dictionary (Christchurch: Whitcombe and Tombs, 1891), xiv

Kua riro ki wīwī, ki wāwā:The causes and effects of Māori migration to Southland

The urbanisation of the Māori population after World War Two saw the rapid movement of a mainly rural people to a number of urban centres around the country. The social, economic and political push-pull factors involved in this migration flow have been described in a number of publications. This research is usually conducted within North Island locations, particularly Auckland, where the Māori population is considerably larger and the Māori population increase of urban centres more noticeable. Of little interest to those who researched this topic, but still duly noted, is the movement of North Island Māori to the South Island. As a result, there are only a few publications that mention the statistical changes that occurred in the Māori population of Southland and only a couple look at the social changes that ensued as a result. This research has been largely empirical and generalises about these people’s experiences based on the trends that have emerged from research based on North Island communities. This thesis addresses the gap in the research and locates itself firmly in Southland. It looks at the causes of Māori migration to Southland during the mid-twentieth century from the perspective of the migrants involved. A number of Māori who moved to Southland chose to stay, become permanent residents, and raise their children there. Their decision to settle permanently in Southland and live outside of their tribal area affected their children’s Māori identity development. This thesis therefore also looks at the effects of this migration flow on the Māori identity development of the children of North Island Māori migrants. These children all have one Māori and one non-Māori parent. They described their upbringing as largely Pākehā; reflective of the different Southland communities they each grew up in. The transfer of Māori cultural knowledge from their parents was minimal and regular return visits to their tribal area for the majority did not occur or were irregular at best. Most of the participants did not grow up within Māori social institutions that foster Māori identity. However, when they began socialising outside of their family network they began being defined and stereotyped ethnically with mixed results on each of the participants’ attitudes towards their Māori identity. Comfort was found amongst peers whose socio-cultural background reflected their own. It was within these friendships that they reconciled being Māori with their reality of growing up in Southland. Other studies tend to look at migration and identity as two separate areas of study. This thesis uses interviews combined with secondary literature to investigate how one has impacted on the other. The research conducted here is qualitative in that it allows me to enter the subjective world of my participants and gain descriptions about their experiences that I would not be able to achieve using any other method. There are a number of studies on migration and identity development that use large cohorts of participants from which to draw out similarities or differences to theoretical constructs. This thesis differs in that a narrow sample has been selected to focus on individuals and their life narratives. The first part of this thesis consists of four chapters. Chapter One gives an introduction of Southland as the geographic and demographic landscape in which this research takes place. Chapter Two provides a theoretical understanding of the migration process in relation to Māori urbanisation within New Zealand, to the South Island and Southland. The following two chapters introduce four migrants, who all moved from small, rural North Island Māori communities to Southland in the 1960s, and three spouses. Chapter Three looks at the migrants’ experiences of migration, their integration into the Southland community, and their thoughts of return migration back to their home community. Chapter Four looks at the interracial marriages that took place and the experiences of both the migrants and their spouses. The second part of this thesis consists of five chapters. Chapter Five reviews literature as it pertains to the processes and factors involved in the construction of someone’s identity. It also looks at ethnic and mixed-ethnic identity development. Chapter Six investigates Māori identity formation and looks at aspects of Māori culture that are said to be the main contributors to the formation of a secure Māori identity. Chapter Seven introduces six children of Māori migrants and looks at the way in which the participants became aware of their Māori ethnicity, the input of their parents, their ethnic identity choices and the outcomes of their decision to identify as Māori. Chapter Eight looks at what role the participants’ whānau played in contributing to their Māori identity. The final chapter looks at the role the school environment played in assisting the participants to develop their Māori identity

Kua riro ki wīwī, ki wāwā:The causes and effects of Māori migration to Southland

The urbanisation of the Māori population after World War Two saw the rapid movement of a mainly rural people to a number of urban centres around the country. The social, economic and political push-pull factors involved in this migration flow have been described in a number of publications. This research is usually conducted within North Island locations, particularly Auckland, where the Māori population is considerably larger and the Māori population increase of urban centres more noticeable. Of little interest to those who researched this topic, but still duly noted, is the movement of North Island Māori to the South Island. As a result, there are only a few publications that mention the statistical changes that occurred in the Māori population of Southland and only a couple look at the social changes that ensued as a result. This research has been largely empirical and generalises about these people’s experiences based on the trends that have emerged from research based on North Island communities. This thesis addresses the gap in the research and locates itself firmly in Southland. It looks at the causes of Māori migration to Southland during the mid-twentieth century from the perspective of the migrants involved. A number of Māori who moved to Southland chose to stay, become permanent residents, and raise their children there. Their decision to settle permanently in Southland and live outside of their tribal area affected their children’s Māori identity development. This thesis therefore also looks at the effects of this migration flow on the Māori identity development of the children of North Island Māori migrants. These children all have one Māori and one non-Māori parent. They described their upbringing as largely Pākehā; reflective of the different Southland communities they each grew up in. The transfer of Māori cultural knowledge from their parents was minimal and regular return visits to their tribal area for the majority did not occur or were irregular at best. Most of the participants did not grow up within Māori social institutions that foster Māori identity. However, when they began socialising outside of their family network they began being defined and stereotyped ethnically with mixed results on each of the participants’ attitudes towards their Māori identity. Comfort was found amongst peers whose socio-cultural background reflected their own. It was within these friendships that they reconciled being Māori with their reality of growing up in Southland. Other studies tend to look at migration and identity as two separate areas of study. This thesis uses interviews combined with secondary literature to investigate how one has impacted on the other. The research conducted here is qualitative in that it allows me to enter the subjective world of my participants and gain descriptions about their experiences that I would not be able to achieve using any other method. There are a number of studies on migration and identity development that use large cohorts of participants from which to draw out similarities or differences to theoretical constructs. This thesis differs in that a narrow sample has been selected to focus on individuals and their life narratives. The first part of this thesis consists of four chapters. Chapter One gives an introduction of Southland as the geographic and demographic landscape in which this research takes place. Chapter Two provides a theoretical understanding of the migration process in relation to Māori urbanisation within New Zealand, to the South Island and Southland. The following two chapters introduce four migrants, who all moved from small, rural North Island Māori communities to Southland in the 1960s, and three spouses. Chapter Three looks at the migrants’ experiences of migration, their integration into the Southland community, and their thoughts of return migration back to their home community. Chapter Four looks at the interracial marriages that took place and the experiences of both the migrants and their spouses. The second part of this thesis consists of five chapters. Chapter Five reviews literature as it pertains to the processes and factors involved in the construction of someone’s identity. It also looks at ethnic and mixed-ethnic identity development. Chapter Six investigates Māori identity formation and looks at aspects of Māori culture that are said to be the main contributors to the formation of a secure Māori identity. Chapter Seven introduces six children of Māori migrants and looks at the way in which the participants became aware of their Māori ethnicity, the input of their parents, their ethnic identity choices and the outcomes of their decision to identify as Māori. Chapter Eight looks at what role the participants’ whānau played in contributing to their Māori identity. The final chapter looks at the role the school environment played in assisting the participants to develop their Māori identity

Hereditary diffuse gastric cancer: updated clinical practice guidelines

Hereditary diffuse gastric cancer (HDGC) is an autosomal dominant cancer syndrome that is characterised by a high prevalence of diffuse gastric cancer and lobular breast cancer. It is largely caused by inactivating germline mutations in the tumour suppressor gene CDH1, although pathogenic variants in CTNNA1 occur in a minority of families with HDGC. In this Policy Review, we present updated clinical practice guidelines for HDGC from the International Gastric Cancer Linkage Consortium (IGCLC), which recognise the emerging evidence of variability in gastric cancer risk between families with HDGC, the growing capability of endoscopic and histological surveillance in HDGC, and increased experience of managing long-term sequelae of total gastrectomy in young patients. To redress the balance between the accessibility, cost, and acceptance of genetic testing and the increased identification of pathogenic variant carriers, the HDGC genetic testing criteria have been relaxed, mainly through less restrictive age limits. Prophylactic total gastrectomy remains the recommended option for gastric cancer risk management in pathogenic CDH1 variant carriers. However, there is increasing confidence from the IGCLC that endoscopic surveillance in expert centres can be safely offered to patients who wish to postpone surgery, or to those whose risk of developing gastric cancer is not well defined.No Stomach for Cancer DeGregorio Foundation DD & DF Heads Charitable Trust University of Otago New Zealand Health Research Council Programme 17/610 Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology POCI-01-0145-FEDER-3016