Women’s Participation and Representation in Nigerian Politics: Observations from the 2015 General Elections

The paper investigates the conceptual and material bases of women’s exclusion from the formal arena in politics. It discusses the structural barriers within formal institutions, strategies to promote women’s political participation and representation adopted around the world, and identifies internal and external conditions that have both facilitated and hindered women’s political empowerment in Nigeria. Despite their numbers, politics remain an area in public life solely dominated by men. Faced with structural and financial barriers, the paper argues that there is a deeper need to change attitudes and relationships at many levels, including making women’s as well as men’s interests integral to the design of programmes in all political, spheres. Keywords: Women in politics. Political parties. Elections. Sustainable development. Political participation. Political representation. DOI: 10.7176/JAAS/53-03 Publication date:March 31st 201

THE POLITICAL PROCESS AND GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: ROLE OF NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION, 1999-2018

This work evaluates the political process and governance in Nigeria between1999-2018 with emphasis on the role of the National Assembly and Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The political process comprises the totality of the ways and means of acquiring and exercising governmental authority in a political system. It is the systematic series of actions and guidelines involving relevant institutions that impact on the quest for the exercise of political power in governmental or public affairs of a country or state through periodic elections. The broad objective of the thesis centered on the evaluation of how the role of the National Assembly and Independent National Electoral Commission could enhance good governance in Nigeria. It employed the survey method of research design in which the data required for the study were generated through the instruments of questionnaire, and in-depth interviews. Quota and stratified sampling techniques were mostly used in the selection of respondents. Four hundred and thirty copies of questionnaire were administered and 360 were returned. The data were analyzed using linear regression analysis, as well as inferential statistics, tables, frequencies, percentages and graphs to crystallize and present the results. The findings among other things indicate that both the National Assembly and Independent National Electoral Commission have not satisfactorily performed their constitutionally assigned roles of enhancing the political process and good governance in Nigeria between 1999-2018; that the National Assembly has not been able to represent the collective interest of the masses; that the inability of the National Assembly to enforce the provisions of the 1999 constitution as they relate to cross-carpeting of politicians elected into the National Assembly or any other elective office in Nigeria is because such an amendment and interpretation will adversely affect the National Assembly members who are currently benefiting from the dispensation; and that although the introduction of technology in the management of elections will help advance the political process in Nigeria, however, due to poor voter education, the huge amount spent for this project would be a colossal national loss except urgent steps are taken by INEC to embark on appropriate voter education to enable the electorates and masses know how the technological equipment are used to facilitate free and fair elections subsequently in Nigeria with a view to advancing democracy in the country

REBRANDING THE ELECTORAL PROCESS IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC: ROLE OF INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION

Nigeria continued to dominate both national and international political discourse as a model of democracy for the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa immediately after the successful conduct and the outcome of the 2015 general elections that saw for the first time peaceful conduct of elections and transition from one civilian administration to the other and which brought the opposition party to power without violence or bloodshed. However, following the conclusion and outcome of the 2019 general elections, Nigeria has become a surprise to political scholars and commentators who find it difficult to unravel how she failed to consolidate the gains of the 2015 general elections so as to emerge stronger as a democratic nation. This study adopts the governance approach, and explores the need to rebrand the processes of conducting elections in Nigeria in order to achieve enhanced democratic governance and also for a healthy synergy between the electorates, the political class, political parties and the institutions of government for inclusive nation building.It adopts both the qualitative and quantitative methods of research in its study between 1999 and 2019. It takes a critical look at what has become characterized as Nigeria’s ‘brand of politics’- which is essentially corrupt, violent, and manipulative of the wishes of the people as well as lacking in legitimacy. The work argues that except the electoral process is rebranded or transformed in line with acceptable international best practices of democratic culture where the will of the people is seen to prevail, political apathy may persist and this may hinder democratic development in the country

Ethnic militias and the threat to democracy in post-transition Nigeria

The democratic opening presented by Nigeria\u92s successful transition to civil rule (June 1998 to May 1999) unleashed a host of hitherto repressed or dormant political forces. Unfortunately, it has become increasingly difficult to differentiate between genuine demands by these forces on the state and outright criminality and mayhem. Post-transition Nigeria is experiencing the proliferation of ethnic militia movements purportedly representing, and seeking to protect, their ethnic interests in a country, which appears incapable of providing the basic welfare needs of its citizens. It is against the background of collective disenchantment with the Nigerian state, and the resurgence of ethnic identity politics that this research interrogates the growing challenge posed by ethnic militias to the Nigerian democracy project. The central thesis is that the over-centralization of power in Nigeria\u92s federal practice and the failure of post-transitional politics in genuinely addressing the \u93National Question, has resulted in the emergence of ethnic militias as a specific response to state incapacity. The short- and long-term threats posed by this development to Nigeria\u92s fragile democracy are real, and justify the call for a National Conference that will comprehensively address the demands of the ethnic nationalities.CONTENTS -- Introduction -- Colonial Rule, Indigenous Societies and the State -- Democratisation, Ethno-Nationalism and Conflicts - A Review -- Democratisation and Violence -- Nigeria's Ethnic Militias - Origin and Objectives -- O'odua Peoples Congress (OPC) Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) -- The Bakassi Boys -- Militant Ethnicity in the Middle-Belt -- Arewa Peoples Congress (APC) -- The Niger Delta Militias -- State Response to Militant Ethnicity -- Conflicts, Democracy and the Survival of the State -- Federal Practice and the National Question -- Concluding RemarksReferencesAppendix 1. The Aba DeclarationAppendix 2. APC Mission StatementAppendix 3. The Kaima Declaratio

Elections and Governance in Nigeria's Fourth Republic

In this volume, we argue that the processes leading up to the 1999, 2003 and 2007 elections, the conduct of the elections proper and the post-election controversies have continued to have serious implications for Nigeria’s democracy, national stability and development. The poor conduct of elections has directly and indirectly thrown up highly unsuitable people into positions of trust and governance. The quality of governance has therefore suffered as a result of this. It is against this backdrop that we assert that the quality of the electoral process in Nigeria will invariably determine the quality of governance and service delivery in the country

Re-inventing Federalism in Post-transition Nigeria: Problems and Prospects

This paper grapples with the question of Nigeria's federal practice. It argues that there is a need to re-examine federalism in the country with a view to restructuring the system so that it reflects the ethnological and political realities on the ground. It proposes the de-concentration or decentralisation of the powers of the central government, which increased astronomically during military rule to the disadvantage of the component units—the states. In addressing this subject matter, the paper critically examines the theoretical basis for the notion of federalism, seeking to determine Nigeria's suitability as a federal state in the first instance. A historical overview of the origin of Nigeria's federalism—alongside a discussion of present-day predicaments—is presented in the preliminary analysis. Subsequently, the persisting problems in Nigeria's federalism—like the monopoly of state power, revenue allocation, state creation and federal character—are re-visited with a view to determining the situation in the post-transition democratic environment. Finally, the paper makes a case for the constitutional division of the country into geo-political zones, the rotation of power amongst these zones, and the decentralisation of power away from the centre to the states and local governments. Résumé Cet article aborde la question des pratiques fédérales au Nigeria. Il soutient que le type de fédéralisme pratiqué dans ce pays doit être revisité, afin de restructurer le système de sorte qu\'il reflète les réalités ethnologiques et politiques sur le terrain. Ce texte propose une déconcentration ou une décentralisation des pouvoirs du gouvernement central, qui se sont accrus de manière phénoménale au cours du règne militaire, à la défaveur de ses composantes que sont les États. Il procède à une étude critique de la base théorique du fédéralisme, en cherchant à déterminer si le Nigeria se prête ou non à ce type d\'organisation étatique. Un aperçu historique des origines du fédéralisme nigérian, ainsi qu\'une description de la situation réelle sont présentés dans l\'analyse préliminaire. Ensuite, les problèmes récurrents liés au fédéralisme nigérian, tels que le monopole du pouvoir étatique, la distribution des revenus, la création et la nature fédérale des États, sont ré-examinés, afin de déterminer la situation qui prévaut dans l\'environnement démocratique nigérian post-transition. Pour finir, cette contribution évoque la division constitutionnelle du pays en zones géopolitiques, le caractère rotatif du pouvoir entre ces zones, ainsi que la décentralisation du pouvoir du centre vers les États et les gouvernements locaux. Africa Development/Afrique et développement Vol.XXIX, No 2, 2004: 7-5

Human Rights Implications of African Conflicts

This paper addresses the very serious problem of human rights abuse in conflict situations in Africa. It revisits the various causes and nature the of human rights abuse during conflicts, and notes that within the context of armed conflict, human rights are joined with International Humanitarian law to establish protection for non-combatant who have been the major casualties during these conflicts. It concludes on the note that Africa must accede to the minimal standards of engagement for protection of human rights and possibly support this with the infusion of the African values of sense of community and dignity of the human person in the existing legal regime. (A. J. of Political Science: 2001 5(1): 92-104

Children and Youth in the Labour Process in Africa

It is increasingly clear that children and the youth today play a significant role in the labour process in Africa. But, to what extent is this role benign? And when and why does this role become exploitative rather than beneficial? This book on children and the youth in Africa sets out to address these questions. The book observes that in Africa today, children are under pressure to work, often engaged in the worst forms of child labour and therefore not living out their role as children. It argues that the social and economic environment of the African child is markedly different from what occurs elsewhere, and goes further to challenge all factors that have combined in stripping children of their childhood and turning them into instruments and commodities in the labour process. It also explains the sources, dynamics, magnitude and likely consequences of the exploitation of children and the youth in contemporary Africa. The book is an invaluable contribution to the discourse on children, while the case studies are aimed at creating more awareness about the development problems of children and the youth in Africa, with a view to evolving more effective national and global responses