The Ideological Shadow of Authoritarianism

How do the labels left and right take on meaning in new democracies? Existing explanations point to the universality of the left–right scheme or, reversely, emphasize regionally dominant social cleavages. We propose an alternative legacy-focused theory based on two observations: Dictatorships are not ideologically neutral and are negatively evaluated by most citizens and elites after democratization. These premises lead us to expect that when the authoritarian regime is associated with the left (right), the citizens of a new democracy will display an antileft (antiright) bias in their left–right self-identification. We test this hypothesis across Latin American and European new democracies. We find significant bias, which in the case of new democracies following left-wing regimes is concealed due to intercohort heterogeneity. Although older cohorts denote a positive bias, cohorts born after Stalin’s era denote negative bias against the left. Consistent with our expectations, repression exacerbates this bias whereas indoctrination mitigates it. Finally, we look at how these biases apply to party preferences. The findings have important implications for understanding authoritarian legacies and party system development in new democracies

Histology and ultrastructure of a tissue-engineered collagen meniscus before and after implantation

The collagen meniscus implant (CMI) is a tissue-engineering technique designed to stimulate regeneration of meniscus-like tissue in cases of irreparable tears or previous meniscectomy. CMI morphology was investigated before and after implantation by light microscopy, scanning electron microscopy (SEM), and transmission electron microscopy (TEM). In a case series biopsy specimens were harvested from four patients who underwent a second arthroscopic look 6 months after placement of the CMI. CMI sections appeared composed of parallel connective laminae of 10-30 mu m, connected by smaller bundles (5-10 mu m). This connective network formed lacunae with diameters between 40 and 60 mu m. At greater magnification, the walls of the lacunae demonstrated tightly packed and randomly distributed collagen fibrils, with diameters ranging from 73 to 439 nm. In the biopsy specimens, the lacunae were filled with connective tissue that contained newly formed vessels and fibroblast-like cells, presenting an abundant rough endoplasmic reticulum and several mitochondria. In the extracellular matrix, the collagen fibrils showed uniform diameters (126 nm +/- 32 nm). The original structure of CMI was still recognizable, and no inflammatory cells were detected within the implant. The morphological findings of this case series demonstrate that CMI provides a three-dimensional scaffold suitable for colonization by precursor cells and vessels and leading to the formation of a fully functional tissue

The effectiveness of metal on metal hip resurfacing: a systematic review of the available evidence published before 2002

BACKGROUND: Conventional total hip replacement (THR) may be felt to carry too high a risk of failure over a patient's lifetime, especially in young people. There is increasing interest in metal on metal hip resurfacing arthroplasty (MoM) as this offers a bone-conserving option for treating those patients who are not considered eligible for THR. We aim to evaluate the effectiveness of MoM for treatment of hip disease, and compare it with alternative treatments for hip disease offered within the UK. METHODS: A systematic review was carried out to identify the relevant literature on MoM published before 2002. As watchful waiting and total hip replacement are alternative methods commonly used to alleviate the symptoms of degenerative joint disease of the hip, we compared MoM with these. RESULTS: The data on the effectiveness of MoM are scarce, as it is a relatively new technique and at present only short-term results are available. CONCLUSION: It is not possible to make any firm conclusions about the effectiveness of MoM based on these early results. While the short-term results are promising, it is unclear if such results would be replicated in more rigorous studies, and what the long-term performance might be. Further research is needed which ideally should involve long-term randomised comparisons of MoM with alternative approaches to the clinical management of hip disease

Increasingly unequal turnout in Eastern European new democracies: Communist and transitional legacies versus new institutions

The thesis examines whether income inequality in post-Communist Eastern Europe depresses political engagement or increases the potential for conflict and instability. The thesis finds that while overall income inequality is correlated with lower political engagement and political engagement is stratified by income, income inequality does not appear to depress political engagement among the poor in post-Communist Eastern Europe. I use multilevel modeling to examine mass survey data from the survey done by Professors Whitefield and Evans as part of an ESCR-funded project as well the World Values Surveys

Income inequality and political engagement in Eastern Europe

The thesis examines whether income inequality in post-Communist Eastern Europe depresses political engagement or increases the potential for conflict and instability. The thesis finds that while overall income inequality is correlated with lower political engagement and political engagement is stratified by income, income inequality does not appear to depress political engagement among the poor in post-Communist Eastern Europe. I use multilevel modeling to examine mass survey data from the survey done by Professors Whitefield and Evans as part of an ESCR-funded project as well the World Values Surveys.</p

Explaining voter turnout inequality in post-communist Eastern Europe: income inequality, institutions, and the normalization of voting

This research examines the causes of turnout inequality in post-Communist Eastern Europe, particularly focusing on how macro-level contextual factors influence voter turnout across socioeconomic groups (by education, income, occupation class). I use repeated cross-sectional survey data covering twelve countries from the collapse of communism in 1989 to the late 2000s. I show that unlike in established democracies, turnout inequality cannot be simply explained by how easy it is to vote as determined by various institutions, such as voter registration rules and ballot complexity, and neither can turnout inequality be explained by disengagement among the losers in the economic transition. Instead turnout inequality is primarily determined by the interaction between the level political motivation of individual voters, which is the product of early life political socialization, and factors related to the transition process itself, such as the waning of the initial excitement with democratic elections. Income inequality appears to indirectly discourage educated and discerning voters by reinforcing the conditions, such as the dominance of clientelistic and paternalistic parties and corruption, which render electoral choices less meaningful.</p

Income inequality and political engagement in Eastern Europe

The thesis examines whether income inequality in post-Communist Eastern Europe depresses political engagement or increases the potential for conflict and instability. The thesis finds that while overall income inequality is correlated with lower political engagement and political engagement is stratified by income, income inequality does not appear to depress political engagement among the poor in post-Communist Eastern Europe. I use multilevel modeling to examine mass survey data from the survey done by Professors Whitefield and Evans as part of an ESCR-funded project as well the World Values Surveys.</p

Explaining voter turnout inequality in post-communist Eastern Europe: income inequality, institutions, and the normalization of voting

This research examines the causes of turnout inequality in post-Communist Eastern Europe, particularly focusing on how macro-level contextual factors influence voter turnout across socioeconomic groups (by education, income, occupation class). I use repeated cross-sectional survey data covering twelve countries from the collapse of communism in 1989 to the late 2000s. I show that unlike in established democracies, turnout inequality cannot be simply explained by how easy it is to vote as determined by various institutions, such as voter registration rules and ballot complexity, and neither can turnout inequality be explained by disengagement among the losers in the economic transition. Instead turnout inequality is primarily determined by the interaction between the level political motivation of individual voters, which is the product of early life political socialization, and factors related to the transition process itself, such as the waning of the initial excitement with democratic elections. Income inequality appears to indirectly discourage educated and discerning voters by reinforcing the conditions, such as the dominance of clientelistic and paternalistic parties and corruption, which render electoral choices less meaningful.</p