Enhancing Europe’s global power: a scenario exercise with eight proposals

In the present context of intensifying competition between the major trading economies and potentially game-changing technological developments, the European Union is generally seen as the weaker party. Lacking the ‘hard power’ derived from military capabilities, it has laid claim to a ‘soft power’ of normative influence externally, yet even that is only partially utilised. Nor has Europe been able to exercise the power to coerce – ‘sharp power’ – commensurate with its economic weight as a trading bloc equivalent in size and reach to the US or China, its most prominent global competitors. How can Europe strengthen its position, and in what fields? Through a scenario exercise, we develop eight policy proposals aimed at countering Europe´s vulnerabilities and enabling it to assert its sharp and soft power more effectively. Specifically, we consider the feasibility, means and scope for their realisation. Together, they provide a transformative agenda for the EU’s position in the world

Contaminants in small cetaceans

SIGLEAvailable from British Library Document Supply Centre-DSC:3614.6031(13) / BLDSC - British Library Document Supply CentreGBUnited Kingdo

Effects monitoring using marine mammals Phases 1 & 2

SIGLEAvailable from British Library Document Supply Centre-DSC:3614.6031(12) / BLDSC - British Library Document Supply CentreGBUnited Kingdo

The “5,000-kilometre screwdriver”: German and French police training in Afghanistan through the EU and NATO

This article investigates the policing assistance provided by Germany and France in Afghanistan through the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Despite being members of both organizations, Germany and France varied in their engagement with the two organizations’ missions as well as in their strategies about police training in Afghanistan. Whereas Germany was a leading contributor to the EU mission, it did not formally operate under NATO mission’s command. On the other hand, France was a key contributor to the latter mission, whilst being more reluctant to take part in the first. Using evidence drawn from the documents at national, EU- and NATO-levels, US cables, academic and news articles as well as interviews with practitioners and experts, this article argues that these two member states’ police training strategies were shaped primarily by their domestic politics and broader foreign policy orientations, rather than the local conditions and realities on the ground. A key policy recommendation is that, while paying attention to the local environment of police training is crucial, policymakers should also plan the delivery of policing assistance by considering the political dynamics in their own constituencies