71 research outputs found
Do Leader Evaluations (De)Mobilize Voter Turnout? Lessons From Presidential Elections in the United States
Do evaluations of presidential candidates in the US affect the level of voter turnout? Votersâ affections towards presidential candidates, we contend, can either stimulate or inhibit voter inclinations to turnout. Voters are more inclined to turn out when they have positive feelings towards the candidate with which they identify because they want âtheirâ candidate to win. But citizens may also be more likely to vote when they dislike the candidate of the party with which they do not identify. In that case, voters are motivated to prevent the candidate from being elected. Utilizing the American National Election Studies data for 1968â2020, the analysis finds that the likelihood of voting is affected by (a) the degree to which votersâ affections towards the candidate differ from one another (having a clearâcut choice between options) and (b) the nature of the affections (negative or positive) towards both inâ and outâparty candidates
Race, Gender, and Affirmative Action Attitudes in American and Canadian Universities
Direct comparisons of American and Canadian faculty and studentsâ views concerning issues of race, gender, and affirmative action in higher education are rare. The 1999 North American Academic Study Survey provides a unique opportunity to analyze the role of national and positional factors in faculty and student attitudes towards race, gender, and affirmative action in the US and Canada. The findings indicate that national factors are more important than positional factors on many racial and affirmative-action issues. Differences between students and faculty are more pronounced than are cross-national variations on many gender-related issues.Rares sont les comparaisons directes entre lâopinion des corps professoral et Ă©tudiant des Ătats-Unis et du Canada sur les problĂ©matiques liĂ©es Ă la nationalitĂ©, au sexe et Ă la discrimination positive dans lâenseignement supĂ©rieur. Le document 1999 North American Academic Study Survey donne lâoccasion unique dâanalyser le rĂŽle des facteurs nationaux et socioculturels sur lâattitude des corps professoral et Ă©tudiant envers la nationalitĂ©, le sexe et la discrimination positive aux Ătats-Unis et au Canada. Les rĂ©sultats suggĂšrent que, pour plusieurs problĂ©matiques liĂ©es Ă la nationalitĂ© et Ă la discrimination positive, les facteurs nationaux sont plus importants que les facteurs socioculturels. Pour plusieurs problĂ©matiques liĂ©es au sexe, on observe des diffĂ©rences dâattitudes plus marquĂ©es entre le corps professoral et le corps Ă©tudiant dâun mĂȘme pays que dâun pays Ă lâautre
North American Convergence, Revisited
This article revisits previous surveys regarding value changes in Canada, Mexico, and the United States. The earlier evaluation showed that a convergence of values among these North American nations was occurring. This most recent study confirms that trend in several areas (though national and regional distinctions remain), contradicting other predictions to the contrary. Whether one is afraid of change or is eager for it, this study indicates that all three North American countries are, inevitably, experiencing that change.Este artĂculo revisa encuestas previas sobre el cambio de valores en CanadĂĄ, MĂ©xico y Estados Unidos. La evaluaciĂłn anterior habĂa mostrado que existĂa una convergencia de valores entre estas tres naciones norteamericanas. Este estudio, mĂĄs reciente, confirma que esa tendencia, aun con sus diferencias nacionales y regionales, se mantiene, lo que contradice las predicciones de que sucederĂa lo opuesto. Independientemente de si se teme o se desea que dicho cambio suceda, el estudio indica que los tres paĂses de NorteamĂ©rica lo estĂĄn experimentando de manera inevitable
LâĂ©lection fĂ©dĂ©rale de 1993 : le comportement Ă©lectoral des QuĂ©bĂ©cois
Lâarticle examine la dynamique de la campagne ainsi que les facteurs qui ont influencĂ© le vote chez trois blocs dâĂ©lecteurs : les non-francophones, les francophones souverainistes et les francophones non souverainistes. Lâanalyse se fonde sur les donnĂ©es recueillies dans le cadre de lâĂtude sur lâĂ©lection canadienne de 1993. On montre que la raison premiĂšre du succĂšs du Bloc quĂ©bĂ©cois rĂ©side dans lâappui indĂ©fectible que lui ont accordĂ© les souverainistes. Le Bloc a Ă©galement rĂ©ussi Ă obtenir lâappui dâune fraction des non souverainistes les plus nationalistes, des jeunes qui Ă©taient insatisfaits des partis traditionnels et de ceux dont la situation Ă©conomique sâĂ©tait dĂ©tĂ©riorĂ©e. Finalement, le Bloc a profitĂ© de la popularitĂ© personnelle de Lucien Bouchard.The paper examines the dynamics of the campaign as well as the factors that influenced voting behavior among three blocs of voters: non francophones, francophone sovereignists, and francophone non sovereignists. The analysis is based on survey date collected by the 1993 Canadian Election Study. We show that the primary reason for the success of the Bloc quĂ©bĂ©cois lies in the overwhelming support of the sovereignists. The Bloc was also able to get the support of a fraction of the most nationalist non sovereignists, of younger voters who were dissatisfied with traditional parties, and of those whose personal economic situation had deteriorated. Finally, the Bloc was helped by the personal popularity of its leader, Lucien Bouchard
Does compulsory voting increase support for leftist policy?
Citizens unequally participate in referendums, and this may systematically bias policy in favor of those who vote. Some view compulsory voting as an important tool to alleviate this problem, whereas others worry about its detrimental effects on the legitimacy and quality of democratic decision making. So far, however, we lack systematic knowledge about the causal effect of compulsory voting on public policy. We argue that sanctioned compulsory voting mobilizes citizens at the bottom of the income distribution and that this translates into an increase in support for leftist policies. We empirically explore the effects of a sanctioned compulsory voting law on direct-democratic decision making in Switzerland. We find that compulsory voting significantly increases electoral support for leftist policy positions in referendums by up to 20 percentage points. We discuss the implications of these results for our understanding of the policy consequences of electoral institutions
Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy: Autonomy vs. ControlRobert A. Dahl New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982, pp. xi, 229
Nouvelles valeurs et gouvernance au Canada
Cet ouvrage constitue une rĂ©flexion sur la maniĂšre dont les Canadiens font face aux changements Ă©thiques et politiques qui se produisent dans la sociĂ©tĂ©. Les citoyens sont aujourd'hui davantage conscients des diffĂ©rents problĂšmes qui se posent dans leurs environnements et ne limitent plus leurs dĂ©cisions politiques Ă une simple participation Ă©lectorale. La gouvernance dĂšs lors doit changer de style et s'adapter Ă la nouvelle culture sociale et politique. Ces changements s'inscrivent dans un cadre nouveau, celui d'une transformation commerciale et financiĂšre importante, oĂč les accords de libre-Ă©change (ALE, ALENA, ZLEA) jouent un rĂŽle dĂ©cisif. En s'appuyant sur des Ă©tudes statistiques canadiennes et internationales, les auteurs mettent en Ă©vidence les diffĂ©rentes perceptions que se font les Ă©lecteurs de la reprĂ©sentation parlementaire et leurs conceptions d'une gouvernance efficace
In Search of Political Stability: A Comparative Study of New Brunswick and Northern IrelandEdmund A. Aunger Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1981, pp. xiv, 224
Value Change and Reorientations in Citizen-State Relations
Citizens' values matter to the successful functioning of democratic states. But values change, as do citizens' capacities. This article presents empirical findings showing that structural and value changes have combined to reorient how Canadians relate to their structures of governance. It also demonstrates that increasing numbers of Canadians think that their government is not responsive. Moreover, there are significant differences between how legislators see their roles as representatives and what citizens expect of their representatives.
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