(New) Cyber Exploitation and (Old) International Humanitarian Law

Cyber exploitation is a new means of intelligence gathering. It refers to unauthorized access to computers, computer systems, or networks, in order to gain information, without affecting the functionality of the accessed system or deleting the data contained or in transit therein. States employ cyber exploitation both in peacetime and in wartime since cyber exploitation often proves relevant both in order to plan and launch an attack and in order to gain information for defensive purposes. Since international humanitarian law is the law that regulates the conduct of the hostilities, it is necessary to test the applicability of its rules to cyber exploitation. Cyber exploitation proves particularly problematic because it is an extremely recent phenomenon, while international humanitarian law rules were mainly codified in 1907, 1949 and 1977, when cyber warfare had not yet been envisaged. Accordingly, the application of these old provisions to such a new phenomenon requires an in depth analysis. To this end, this paper first examines the international humanitarian law rules regarding intelligence collection in wartime, with particular regard given to espionage. This paper goes on to verify whether these old rules are applicable and relevant to the case of cyber exploitation. Finally, this paper examines the applicability of the rules regarding direct participation of civilians in hostilities to instances involving cyber exploitation. This paper concludes postulating that international humanitarian law considers cyber exploitation to be a lawful activity since these rules do not prohibit intelligence gathering. However, this paper further demonstrates that specific international humanitarian law rules are not applicable to cyber exploitation, apart from very marginal and unpractical cases

PUBLIC POLICY DEFENSE IN INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL ARBITRATION

The purpose of this thesis is to examine how public policy defense functions in international commercial arbitration and whether it will block the development of international commercial arbitration. Chapter II deals with the role of public policy in international private law. This chapter examines the origins of public policy in common law countries and its functions in international private law. It is difficult to evaluate public policy as a precise concept because of its relative nature. Nevertheless, to limit its application in international private law, legal scholars have tried to clarify differences between domestic public policy, international public policy, and transnational public policy. Chapter III discusses the legal history of the New York Convention and analyzes the role of the public policy exception under the Convention. Chapter IV gives an overview of the judicial application of the public policy exception in the United States. The case law shows that American courts narrowly read public policy defense in determining the arbitrability of subject matters, the propriety of arbitration procedures and the content of arbitration awards. This Chapter also analyzes why American courts adhere to a narrow construction of public policy defense. Chapter V examines how Chinese courts apply the public policy exception in practice. It seems that Chinese courts broadly, sometimes even incorrectly, invoke the public policy exception to refuse enforcement of arbitration agreements or arbitral awards though enacted laws indicate a narrow construction. Chapter VI discusses the role of the public policy exception in the future. It seems unlikely that the public policy exception will be removed from international arbitration any time soon. However, the tendency of narrowly reading the public policy exception has created the basis for the development of the notion of a transnational public policy, a policy that would facilitate predictability in international commercial arbitration

Gaps, Issues, and Prospects: International Law and the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage

The protection and preservation of underwater cultural heritage is becoming an increasingly important issue as technologies develop which allow for its exploitation. The UNESCO Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (“UCH Convention”) is an important step in the international regulation of this resource. This paper examines the theoretical and historical antecedents of the UCH Convention, and outlines the Convention’s most significant provisions. Specifically, this paper examines how the UCH Convention protects underwater cultural heritage in six areas: internal waters, the territorial sea, the contiguous zone, the exclusive economic zone, the continental shelf, and the Area. This paper then examines the various concerns which arise from an analysis of the Convention, including the Convention’s expansive definition of underwater cultural heritage and associated issues

Revising European Safeguards and Antidumping Provisions in Light of the Chinese WTO Accession

PhDIn November 2001, the WTO members allowed the People's Republic of China, a formerly planned economy that is going through different stages of domestic economic and related legal restructuring, to accede to the WTO. This accession is believed to be necessary for the WTO to become a truly international organisation in the post-Cold War era, along side of the IMF and the World Bank, and for China to become an integrated member of the international economic community. Although the end of the Cold War has changed European trade policy profoundly, the European Community (EC)" has maintained a traditionally bifurcated trade policy, in which planned economies, also referred to as "non-market economies", are given treatment different from market economies in trade policy instruments, such as the EC emergency safeguards provisions and EC anti-dumping regulation. The EC perceives the Chinese domestic legal and economic reforms as unfinished; and, although the treatment of Chinese products under the EC import and anti-dumping regulations has been liberalised in recent years, China is still generally considered to be a non-market economy. It is questionable whether in light of China's WTO accession such a non-market approach vis-ä-vis China, as approved in the Chinese Protocol of Accession, is justified. This thesis argues that the non-market approach for China, as it stands today, should be adjusted for two basic reasons. First, this approach does not allow China to benefit fully from its WTO accession for a number of years to come. Second, as long as the period allowing non-market economy treatment continues, the danger exists that the non-market economy trade policy, especially as far as anti-dumping is concerned, may tend to be abused for protectionist purposes by the EC. Protectionist abuse would be harmful for China because its export-oriented growth is necessary to advance the country's domestic legal and economic reforms. Protectionism, equally, would be harmful for the EC because it prevents the Community industry from adjusting itself to face the challenge of increased Chinese competition. Because there is no satisfactory methodological solution to deal with the new variant of non-market economies, and because it is impossible for China - despite all good intentions - to implement fully the WTO accession requirements by the time they must phase in, the suggested approach is for the EC to show restraint in employing these trade policy instruments against China. As far as emergency safeguards are concerned, this restraint is already a fact. Nonetheless, some holdovers from the Cold War should be put up for change. Such adjustments will also be required for the EC anti-dumping regulation

サイバー犯罪に対する捜査手法について（一）

　サイバー犯罪に適用する捜査手法自体は、通常の組織犯罪等に対する場合にも用いられており、その運用において基本的には異なる所はないと言えよう。しかし、サイバー犯罪は、インターネットを媒介とするため、インターネットを媒介としない通常の組織犯罪等とは、捜査において異なる側面が出て来得るとも考えられる。無論、サイバー犯罪における捜査において、一般の捜査の例外に当たるような事象を多く見出すことが可能かは一概に確定することは出来ないであろう。しかし、少なくとも、サイバー犯罪における捜査手法を検討することは、サイバー犯罪の予防・検挙それ自体のために必要であるし、それに加えて、サイバー犯罪以外の通常事案における当該捜査手法のあり方と比較することによって、相互の特徴が相対的にクリアになり、通常事案におけるそれら捜査手法の課題を明らかにすることに裨益する点もあり得るように感じられる。　本稿では、かかる問題意識に基づき、サイバー犯罪に対する捜査手段の内で、主として秘密捜査的な手法に焦点を当てて検討を加えてみたい。まず第一章では囮捜査的手法について検討を加える

Les déracinés post-conflit : perspectives et lacunes du droit international dans la transition d'après guerre pour les populations réfugiées et déplacées internes

Ce mémoire vise à proposer une définition d'un statut pour une catégorie de population vulnérable: les déracinés post-conflit. Les déracinés post-conflit sont des réfugiés et des personnes déplacées à l'intérieur de leur propre pays ayant fui à cause d'un conflit et qui se trouvent dans l'impossibilité de rentrer dans leur lieu de résidence d'origine alors même que le conflit est terminé. En préliminaire, nous inscrivons cette réflexion dans une lecture historique de la protection internationale des populations vulnérables. L'histoire du concept juridique de réfugié et de la notion de déplacé interne pose les prémisses d'une critique constructive des perspectives du droit international relatif aux réfugiés et déplacés internes. Les perspectives du droit international relatif aux personnes affectées par un conflit armé sont inégales dans leurs fondements. Le statut de personne protégée n'a pas les mêmes conséquences juridiques pour les réfugiés et les déplacés. Et lorsque, au-delà de la fin du conflit, la condition de réfugié et de déplacé se prolonge, ce déracinement post-conflit naît de l'inadéquation des critères constitutifs du changement de circonstances, dans certains cas, et de l'impossibilité pour des individus chassés par un conflit armé de pouvoir ensuite exercer leur droit au retour. Face à cette gageure, des solutions traditionnelles existent mais ne répondent pas aux besoins des déracinés post-conflit. Des solutions alternatives peuvent être choisies mais les conséquences négatives sur le système de protection des populations vulnérables sont réelles ou les corrélations indirectes. Finalement, la pertinence de proposer un nouveau statut juridique, tenant compte des réalités différentes pour les réfugiés et déplacés post-conflit, s'impose. Notre conclusion est que la nécessité d'un nouveau statut juridique doit permettre, d'une part, de combler ce qui apparaît comme une nécessité pour mieux protéger les déracinés post-conflit, et d'autre part, de combler une lacune qui nous a semblé importante en matière de doctrine lors de nos recherches. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Déracinés, Post-conflit, Droit au retour, Réfugiés, Déplacés internes

International law before municipal courts: the role of International Court of Justice decisions in domestic court proceedings with specific reference to United States case examples

In the case of LaGrand (Germany v United States), the International Court of Justice held that the United States (US) had violated its international obligation to Germany under the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations when it executed two German nationals without first informing them of their consular rights. The case came before the court after the United States had disregarded a preliminary ruling passed by the IC], which directed the US not to execute the German nationals pending the outcome of the ICJ case. The decision raised the issue of the effect of ICJ decisions in domestic proceedings and the effectiveness of ICJ enforcement mechanisms. This thesis considers the possibility of a role for national courts as active enforcers of ICJ decisions. It is argued that whilst evidence shows that there is no legal obligation on courts to enforce ICJ decisions, there is certainly room in international law to facilitate this development. In support of this argument, the thesis demonstrates how basic presuppositions about international law have shifted over the last few decades. This shift has been both the impetus and the result of globalisation. The case of LaGrand alongside similar cases is used to show how national courts may play an increased role in the enforcement of ICJ decisions

In search of the rule of law: review in the United Nations system

The New World Order revives interest in the relationship between law and politics in international relations. This relation has always been discussed. But, with the considerable activism displayed by the Security Council over the last years and its dynamic and selective application of its powers under Chapter VII of the Charter, this relation has taken on a new dimension viewed from the perspective of the United Nations. Such a dimension underlines a "constitutional" approach to the United Nations framework: a quest for judicial review with the International Court of Justice as the ultimate guardian of the United Nations. The analysis of judicial review has generally been discussed in the light of the experience of municipal constitutional courts, specifically, of the United States Supreme Court. This constitutional approach should be viewed with caution. The peculiarities of the international system and of the United Nations system determine both a different scope and context for judicial review

L'accord de Cotonou et les contradictions du droit international : l'intégration des règles de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce et des droits humains dans la coopération ACP-CE

"Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures de l'Université de Montréal en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en Droit (LL.D.) Et à A la faculté de droit Jean Monnet en vue de l'obtention du doctorat en Sciences Juridiques"Ce travail poursuit deux objectifs principaux: un objectif juridique et un objectif d'ordre épistémologique. Il s'agit tout d'abord de rendre compte d'un point de vue juridique et empirique les implications du passage des Conventions de Lomé à l'Accord de Cotonou. Nous examinons les implications de la redéfinition des accords de coopération sur les politiques de développement des Etats ACP, et plus précisément l'évolution des obligations à la charge des deux groupes de pays dans les domaines du commerce international et des droits humains. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons que la non réciprocité des obligations commerciales entre les deux groupes de pays qui caractérisait les Conventions de Lomé est définitivement écartée au profit d'obligations réciproques et identiques pour les deux groupes de pays en conformité des dispositions de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce. Le principe de l'inégalité compensatrice est abandonné au profit de la libéralisation commerciale. Le traitement spécial et différencié, pourtant consacré dans l'Accord instituant l'OMC, apparaît ainsi dépourvu d'une grande partie de son intérêt. Dans un deuxième temps, ce sont les obligations relatives au respect des droits humains qui retiennent notre attention. L'élargissement du champ de la coopération à des questions considérées depuis l'indépendance comme des questions relevant de la compétence interne des Etats, se traduit par une remise en cause de la souveraineté des Etats ACP. Le principe de non-ingérence dans les affaires intérieures, héritage de la décolonisation, est ainsi remis en question. Mais surtout, nous établissons que tous les droits humains ne sont pas concernés par cet élargissement. Le deuxième objectif de ce travail est d'ordre épistémologique. Il VIse à démontrer le caractère heuristique d'une analyse constructiviste du droit pour la compréhension de notre objet mais aussi l'intérêt de ce type d'approche au regard des débats qui structurent le champ disciplinaire sur les rapports entre les droits humains et le droit du commerce international. A travers l'étude de l'Accord de Cotonou, nous tentons de mettre en lumière le fait que les droits humains et règles de l'OMC n'évoluent ni de manière complémentaire ni séparément et qu'il ne suffit pas de raisonner en termes de «rattrapage» et de correctifs ponctuels afin d'harmoniser ces deux champs de règles. En conclusion nous constatons que cinq ans ont suffi aux institutions européennes pour réaliser un véritable «exploit» politique. Elles ont réussi à renverser l'ensemble des obligations économiques qui étaient à la charge des deux groupes de pays, à supprimer les protocoles produits en faveur des ACP, à faire adopter un programme de libéralisation commercial qui va au-delà de tout ce qui a été négocié jusqu'ici au niveau multilatéral et ce, sous couvert de mise en conformité avec les dispositions de l'ÜMC. Enfin, l'DE a fragilisé le Groupe ACP en le morcelant en six régions, dont certaines n'ont aucune existence institutionnelle, avec lesquelles elle négocie actuellement un vaste programme de libéralisation commerciale. En ce qui a trait au respect des droits humains on constate qu'à la différence des normes de l'OMC qui font l'objet de négociations permanentes et structurent le cadre institutionnel et le fond de la coopération, le respect des droits humains ne fait pas ou peu l'objet de négociations entre les deux groupes de pays. De plus, s'ils occupent désormais une place centrale dans le discours des institutions communautaires en charge du développement, le seul mécanisme mis en oeuvre pour sanctionner leurs violations est utilisé d'une manière partiale et sélective. Seule l'DE peut l'utiliser et elle ne choisit de le faire que quand la sanction infligée à un pays ACP ne met pas en péril ses propres intérêts. Bref, l'intégration des droits humains dans le cadre de la coopération contribue davantage aujourd'hui à une remise en cause de l'égalité souveraine des Etats qu'à la promotion des Pactes de 1966, au respect des normes de l'OIT ou du droit des réfugiés.This work pursues two aims. The first one is to seek to understand and to explain the stakes and the implications of the transformation of the Lomé convention into the Cotonou agreement, from a constructive approach of law. It is then a question of contributing to the legal thought concerning the degree of complimentary and coherence between the two fields of the internationallaw, human rights and international trade law. The second aim led us to look into the question of the real integration, which proved to be selective, of the standards coming from these two fields of law into the Cotonou Agreement. In the cooperation, the breach of human rights, as the OMC standards, is appreciated in a subjective and unilateral way by the E.U. Far from contributing to a complementary approach, the cooperation reinforces the dichotomy between these two fields of internationallaw, by treating them on a hierarchical basis

The theory and praxis of humanitarian intervention

The aim of this thesis is to analyse the conceptual foundations of the doctrine of humanitarian intervention and scrutinise the pertinent practice within the identified lego-philosophical framework. The present study is organised into three major sections. The first section contains the theory of humanitarian intervention and it has been subdivided into four chapters which represent the main legal theories. The pursued analysis is, thus, manifold. It proceeds with a theoretical appraisement of natural law, positivism, realism, and critical legal studies by presenting and evaluating their main dispositions, inadequacies and interrelations. Additionally, those trends in the practice of humanitarian intervention which coincide with the identified theoretical tenets are also appraised. The thrust of the pursued analysis is, we hope, to rationalise the contradiction in legal doctrine which stems from the different philosophical stances adopted by legal theorists. These contradictions could be surmised in the antithetical poles of peace/justice; human rights/sovereignty. The next section could be introduced as the praxis of humanitarian intervention and contains two chapters. Having identified the arguments and contradictions, two articles of the United Nations Charter which attempt to control the notion of humanitarian intervention by legal means are analysed; that is, Article 2(4) on the non-use of force and Article 51 on self-defence. The diversified effectuation of humanitarian intervention renders the identified contradictions and opposing theoretical trends more evident. However, our aim is not merely to deconstruct the legal and philosophical milieu relating to humanitarian intervention but also to present a new framework for analysis. Consequently, the last two chapters contain our phronesis. They deal with the assumption of human dignity which transgresses the compartmentalisation of legal doctrine and its unreflective actualisation in the praxis of humanitarian intervention. At this point, the aim of the present research is to substitute a sterile lego-philosophical dogmatism and to submit under scrutiny a vision whereby the critical parameters of any humanitarian action are evaluated and accounted for. This, we hope, consists of the innovative aspect of this research. The existing lego-philosophical approach to humanitarian intervention – negative or positive - suffers from an unreflective automation. The negative approach submits any relevant action to strictly defined criteria compliance with which is conditio sine qua non for legality. On the other hand, the positive approach encounters greater difficulties. It weighs any humanitarian action according to certain criteria but disguises its value choices within the legal context. The fear of incommensuration in legal argument invites indecisive and restrained attitudes. In contradistinction, our approach entails an explicit aim of attaining human dignity which redirects our reflective nature towards distinguishing and deconcretising the manifold aspects which humanitarian actions contain. Instead of monolithic evaluations, one should see in any humanitarian action the values which are at stake and what should be done in order to ameliorate the situation