Hitz hurrenkera eta birregituraketa euskaraz

This paper discusses the syntactic representation of participial dependents of modal verbs in Basque, their internal structure and their position with regard to the matrix modal verb. The analysis focuses on those varieties that admit the participial dependent to occur either before or after the modal verb. It is shown that in those varieties, the syntactic position of the participial dependent correlates with differences in its internal structure: whereas participial dependents can correspond to TPs when they are located to the right of the modal verb in Basque (a typically SOV language), they cannot correspond to anything more complex than a small v structure to the left of the modal verb. Our analysis of the internal structure of participial dependents also extends to issues concerning the basic word order of Basque. It is claimed that the analysis presented here requires the auxiliary to be generated to the left of the verb phrase, as the antisymmetry hypothesis would have it

Negative Polarity Item Licensing, Indefinites and Complex Predicates

No abstract

In-situ wh-phrases in Spanish: locality and quantification

Cet article analyse les questions à syntagme-wh (qu-) in-situ en espagnol. Il montre que la position de surface de ces syntagmes est le résultat d’un mouvement visible vers une position focale dans la péripherie gauche. La position post-verbale dans laquelle les syntagmes-wh apparaissent résulte d’un mouvement postérieur par-dessus la position focale, dans l’esprit des propositions récentes de Kayne (1998, 2000). L’analyse défendue ici conduit à distinguer le phénomène in-situ en espagnol des phénomènes correspondants rencontrés dans les autres langues romanes, dont le français (Chang, 1997; Cheng et Rooryck, 2000; Bo‡koviç, 2000). Il est ainsi démontré que les mécanismes syntaxiques supposés déterminer la distribution des syntagmes-wh-in-situ dans ces langues doivent être modifiés dans le cas de l’espagnol. Dans une perspective comparative, les données de l’espagnol étayent une approche ‘pluraliste’ des stratégies in-situ (Cheng et Rooryck, 2003), selon laquelle la notion descriptive de syntagme in-situ recouvre un domaine grammatical non homogène. D’un point de vue théorique, notre analyse appuie l’idée que beaucoup de phénomènes analysés comme mouvement abstrait (en Forme Logique) dans la tradition du Gouvernement-Liage doivent être réanalysés comme cas de mouvement visible (masqué).This paper analyzes in-situ wh-questions in Spanish. It argues that in-situ wh-phrases in Spanish are actually overtly moved to a left peripheral focus position, their postverbal position being the result of subsequent remnant movement past the focus position. The analysis defended here sets apart the in-situ phenomena of Spanish from the in-situ phenomena occurring in other Romance languages, such as French (as analyzed by Chang, 1997; Bo‡koviç, 2000; Cheng and Rooryck, 2000), and shows that the purported syntactic mechanisms underlying the distribution of in-situ wh-phrases in those languages are to be amended as far as Spanish is concerned. From a comparative perspective, the Spanish facts support a “pluralistic” approach to in situ strategies (Cheng and Rooryck, 2003), according to which the descriptive notion of in-situ phrase covers a heterogeneous grammatical domain. From a theoretical point of view, our analysis yields support for the idea that many of the phenomena analyzed in the GB tradition in terms of covert movement must be reanalyzed as instances of (masked) overt movement

Hitz hurrenkera eta birregituraketa euskaraz

The analysis focuses on those varieties of Basque that admit the participial dependent to occur either before or after the modal verb. It is shown that in these varieties, the syntactic position of the participial dependent correlates with differences in its internal structure: whereas participial dependents can correspond to TPs when they are located to the right of the modal verb in Basque (a typically SOV language), they cannot correspond to anything more complex than a small v structure when they surface to the left of the modal verb. Our analysis of the internal structure of participial dependents also extends to issues concerning the basic word order of Basque. It is claimed that the analysis presented here requires the auxiliary to be generated to the left of the verb phrase, as the antisymmetry hypothesis would posit

Morfosintaxis e interpretacion temporal de los verbos modales

International audienc

Denominal necessity modals in Basque

Basque has a noun meaning "need" and a modal form, traditionally classified as verbal, homophonous to it, as in English. This paper provides a derivational account of the relation between the nominal and the so-called verbal "need" in Basque, by claiming that the purported verbal cases are derived from the nominal ones. This derivational relation, we argue, does not follow from the incorporation of Basque need into a verbal head, as has been recently claimed for English need. The necessity modal forms an independent clausal constituent with a DP or a non-finite clause representing the content of the need as its sole argument. This clausal constituent is merged to a high applicative head that introduces in the structure the experiencer of the need. The Basque modal construction resembles in this regard the nominal modal constructions found in some of the celtic languages such as Irish or Scottish Gaelic. This structure is merged with an intransitive verb BE, which provides the verbal support for the construction. The incorporation of the applicative head to BE results in the transitive auxiliary have in Basque, a phenomenon that is independently attested outside the modal cases

Towards a theory of temporal relations

International audienc