Viešojo ir privačiojo sektoriaus darbuotojų darbo sąlygų vertinimai : Europos socialinio tyrimo duomenų analizė.

This article analyzes attitudes to work conditions of the public and private sector employees. The study is based on the analysis of data of the 4th and 5th waves of the European Social Survey wherein populations of the majority of European countries (including Lithuania) were asked different questions about their working conditions. The empirical analysis is focused on differences and similarities of attitudes towards workload and working conditions of the public and private sector workers. Analysis of the survey data showed that the public sector employees work relatively fewer working hours (up to 40), and their additional workload is less than that in the private sector. The study also revealed that altruistic (public benefit) motivation is more common among public sector employees, while private sector employees are better motivated by selfish (personal benefit) incentives.Šiame straipsnyje analizuojami viešojo ir privačiojo sektoriaus darbuotojų darbo sąlygų vertinimą. Atliekant analizę remtasi Europos socialinio tyrimo 4-osios ir 5-osios bangos apklausomis, kuriose daugelio Europos šalių (įskaitant Lietuvą) gyventojams buvo pateikti įvairūs klausimai apie jų darbo sąlygas. Atliekant empirinę analizę daugiausia dėmesio skirta viešojo ir privačiojo sektoriaus darbuotojų darbo krūvio ir darbo sąlygų vertinimų panašumams ir skirtumams. Apklausų duomenų analizės rezultatai parodė, kad Europos viešojo sektoriaus darbuotojai dirba santykinai mažiau darbo valandų (iki 40 imtinai), o jų papildomas darbo krūvis mažesnis nei privačiojo sektoriaus darbuotojų. Taip pat nustatyta, kad viešojo sektoriaus darbuotojų motyvacija dirbti labiau susijusi su altruistinėmis (nauda visuomenei) paskatomis, o privačiojo sektoriaus darbuotojus labiau motyvuoja savanaudiškos (asmeninė nauda) paskatos

PADALYTAS BALSAVIMAS 1996–2016 METŲ SEIMO RINKIMUOSE: MASTAS IR POBŪDIS

This article explores the phenomenon of split-ticket voting in the Lithuanian par­liamentary elections. The mixed parallel electoral system, introduced into the Sei­mas elections with the adoption of the Constitution, is a rather favorable institutional structure for split-ticket voting behavior, as citizens are able to vote for a list of can­didates of one party in the proportional constituency and for a candidate of another party in the majoritarian single-member constituency. For the analysis of the exten and patterns of split-ticket voting, we have used data from post-election surveys in 2012 and 2016 as well as the aggregate (on the constituency level) data from election results in 1996–2012. An analysis of the aggregate data was performed by employing Søren R. Thomsen’s (1987) estimator for the ecological inference, which allows to estimate the values of internal cells in the R × C tables when only marginal distribu­tions are available. The results of the analysis revealed several important insights about electoral behavior and party competition in Lithuania. The mixed parallel electoral system is not only a theoretically, but also a practically favorable institutional setting for split-ticket voting in Lithuania. An analysis of both the post-election survey data (al­though to a lesser extent) and the aggregate electoral results showed that the extent of split-ticket-voting in Lithuanian parliamentary elections is rather high. In such cases, sympathizers of the major parties or their candidates choose rather freely from the “menu” offered in single- and multi-member constituencies. Therefore, in this respect, Lithuania is a rather typical Central and Eastern European country, where electoral behavior is rather unconstrained and volatile. An analysis of the aggregate data showed (however, this result was not fully cor­roborated by the analysis of the post-election survey data) that although split-ticket voting is substantial, its patterns are quite predictably structured by the dimensions of the party competition, which emerged around 2004. Voters split their votes along the lines of certain party blocks. One of these blocks usually contains conservatives and liberals, the other being made up of social democrats, laborites (also the former New Union) and the Order and Justice Party. The latter block might also include the Lithu­anian Farmers and Greens Union, even though in the last parliamentary elections, this party attracted a substantial number of votes from sympathizers of different other parties in cases of split-ticket voting. Moreover, an analysis of the aggregate data revealed another interesting pattern of split-ticket voting in Lithuania. In the parliamentary elections of 2008, 2012 and 2016, the newly emerging relevant parties (the National Resurrection Party, The Way of Courage and the Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union) collected a substantial part of their votes (in cases of split-ticket voting) from the oldest and longest-estab­lished parties in Lithuania: The Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats and the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party. This pattern of electoral behavior might be explained by the protest voting on the side of the supporters of these two parties. Thus, an analysis of split-ticket voting patterns revealed quite an interesting phenom­enon – split-ticket voting as a variation of protest voting – which could become an object of further investigations.Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjamas padalyto balsavimo (angl. split-ticket voting) reiškinys Lietuvos Seimo rinkimuose. Lietuvoje įtvirtinta mišri paraleli nacionalinio parlamento rinkimų sistema yra gana palanki institucinė struktūra padalyto balsavimo raiškai, kai daugiamandatėje apygardoje tas pats rinkėjas balsuoja už vienos partijos sąrašą, o vienmandatėje – už kitos partijos iškeltą kandidatą. Padalyto balsavimo raiškai ir pobūdžiui fiksuoti pa­sitelkiami 2012 ir 2016 m. apklausų po rinkimų duomenys bei 1996–2016 m. Seimo rinkimų rezultatai, agreguoti apygardų lygiu. Agreguotiems duome­nims analizuoti pritaikytas Søreno R. Thomseno (1987) pasiūlytas aplinkinės inferencijos (angl. ecological inference) įvertinys, kuris leidžia suskaičiuo­ti R × C tipo lentelių vidinių langelių reikšmes turint informaciją tik apie sumines kraštines reikšmes (angl. marginal distributions). Gauti rezultatai rodo, kad padalyto balsavimo mastas Lietuvoje yra santykinai didelis, tačiau jį struktūruoja 2004 m. išryškėjusi gana stabili partijų konkurencinė erdvė

Europeanness of Lithuanian Political Elite: Europhilia, Russophobia and Neoliberalism

The article describes and analyzes the evolution of Lithuanian political elite’s attitudes towards the European Union (EU) and its governance during the past decade (2004-2016). First, it reviews changes in the composition of Lithuania’s political elite and assesses EU related policy decisions, which reveal the complex interrelations between national and supranational politics in a small but illustrative post-communist state. Second, it presents an analysis of the Lithuanian political elite’s attitudes, which were surveyed in 2007, 2009 and 2014; it examines trends in the elite’s attachment to Europe, their perceptions of threats to EU cohesion, changes in the levels of their trust in EU institutions, their conceptions of European governance, and their stances towards the management of financial and economic crisis. Comparing the three surveys captures evolution of the attitudes of the by and large consensually pro-European Lithuanian political elite. The Europeanness of the Lithuanian political elite also increases, an attitude which appears to be more a response to Russia-induced geopolitical destabilization than to the 2008 financial crisis

Išorės grėsmės Europos vienybei: lyginamoji elitų požiūrių studija

One of the important constituents of common identity is a perception of the same external others as threats. Therefore, European identity construction should be grounded in similar perceptions of threats and European elites – a group having the most important influence on the construction of the common European identity – should share similar perceptions of these threats. In this study elites’ perception of 3 potential external threats to the cohesion of the EU have been investigated: enlargement of the EU to include Turkey, close relationships between some EU countries and the United States, and interference of Russia in European affairs. Analysis of the Belgian, German, Polish and Lithuanian elite survey data shows that the most abstract level there is no common European identity constructed across the selected European states. It appeared that distinct European identities emerge along the new-old EU member-states divide. At the same time, individual level factors such as elite left-right self-identification, different visions of the role and future of the EU as well as type of the preferred national identity (achieved vs. ascribed) significantly shape perceptions of external threats and therefore constitute the grounds for the formation of distinct European identities.Tiriant buvo analizuojamas elito požiūris į tris potencialias išorės grėsmes ES vienybei: Turkijos įstojimą į ES; glaudžius santykius tarp kai kurių ES valstybių narių ir JAV; Rusijos kišimasis į Europos reikalus. Belgijos, Vokietijos, Lietuvos ir Lenkijos politinių bei ekonominių elitų apklausose atsiskleidė, kad skirtingos europinės tapatybės konstruojamos atsižvelgiant į šalies narystės statusą. Taip pat svarbus elito politinis tapatinimasis, skirtingi požiūriai į ES vaidmenį, šios Sąjungos ateities vizijos, skirtingai suvokiama nacionalinė tapatybė

Familiarity and Trust: Explaining Trust in Government through Ethno-racial Differences

The paper investigates whether generalized trust in government varies among ethnic groups in a society. Theories on trust predominantly explain such institutional trust by the capabilities and intentions of the trusted actors, and research into trust is mainly done at the individual level measuring whether individual characteristics of the trustee and trusted one has explanatory power. Meanwhile, this paper analyzes the institutional trust at the macro (country) level. Based on a comparative study among 27 countries, this paper argues that there are significant differences between ethnic groups regarding their trust in the country's government and that significant effects are visible with the country's income inequality and one of Hofstede's dimensions of national culture, namely 'power distance'. This is an important finding as it calls for multi-level analyses when explaining institutional trust. Trust is not only dependent on the individual characteristics of the trusted one and the trustee but also on macro-level variables

Changes in Class Structures after the Great Recession: Estonia and Lithuania Compared

In the studies of transition states and societies, Estonia and Lithuania are considered as twin cases of the neoliberal Baltic model due to similarities in their political economies and macroeconomic policies. Do similarities between the two countries extend to their class structures? We compare changes of the class composition in Estonia and Lithuania during the 2008-2015 period, encompassing the Great Recession and subsequent recovery. For empirical analysis, we use the European Social Survey (ESS) data and employ the framework of the European Socio-economic Classification (ESeC). We find that by 2015 the class structure of the Estonian society became similar to the class structures in the technologically most advanced post-industrial countries. Changes in the class structure of Lithuania diverged from general trends, preserving many features characteristic of industrial societies

Šiuolaikinės Lietuvos klasinė struktūra: neovėberiška analizė

This article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section – Rūta Brazienė’s 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article’s empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber’s classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx’s theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches – Erik Olin Wright’s neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania’s class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality (conceived in Weberian terms as an unequal distribution of ‘life chances’), as well as the voting and ideological orientations of the Lithuanian electorate. Key words: Erikson-Goldthorpe-Portocarero (EGP) class theory,Santrauka. Straipsnio tikslas – pritaikyti socialinės nelygybės ir politinių procesų pokomunistinėje Lietuvoje analizei Roberto Eriksono, Johno Goldthorpe’o ir Lucienne Portocarero (EGP) klasių teoriją, kuri tęsia Maxo Weberio socialinės struktūros analizės tradiciją. Pirmame skirsnyje analizuojamos priežastys, kodėl atkūrus Lietuvos nepriklausomybę Lietuvos sociologai beveik visiškai apleido tyrimų barą, kurį sociologijos klasikai laikė pagrindiniu, – visuomenės socialinės struktūros analizę. Aptariami dviejų tyrimų, skirtų pokomunistinės Lietuvos socialinės struktūros analizei (Rūtos Brazienės disertacijos ir Arvydo Matulionio vadovaujamo autorių kolektyvo parašytos monografijos) rezultatai, palyginama indukcinė ir dedukcinė socialinės struktūros analizės metodologija, išryškinami dedukcinės metodologijos privalumai. Antrame skirsnyje išdėstoma EGP klasių teorija, pateikiant ją kaip kūrybišką klasikinių Maxo Weberio socialinės struktūros idėjų tąsą. Išryškinami Maxo Weberio ir Karlo Marxo klasių sampratų skirtumai, o EGP klasių teorija palyginama su jos pagrindinėmis šiuolaikinėmis alternatyvomis: neomarksistine Eriko Wrighto klasių teorija, orientuota į išnaudojimo santykių analizę, ir amerikietiškąja socialinės stratifikacijos analizės koncepcija, orientuota į individualaus socialinio ekonominio statuso (SES) matavimus. Trečiame skirsnyje neovėberiškai analizuojama pokomunistinės Lietuvos klasinė struktūra, pateikiant jos 11, 7, 5 ir 3 EGP klasių modelius. Šiam tikslui panaudojami 2009 m. pabaigoje atliktos reprezentatyvios Europos socialinio tyrimo (EST) Lietuvos gyventojų apklausos duomenys. Remiantis diachroniniais ir sinchroniniais palyginimais bei istorine analize išryškinami šios struktūros bendrieji (lyginant su panašiomis į Lietuvą šalimis) ir saviti nacionaliniai bruožai. Paskutiniajame skirsnyje modifikuotas 7 EGP klasių modelis pritaikomas statistiškai nagrinėjant vėberiškai apibrėžiamą (kaip „gero gyvenimo šansų“ nelygaus pasiskirstymo) socialinę nelygybę Lietuvoje, o taip pat bandant nustatyti (pasitelkiant statistinę atitikties analizę) klasinės priklausomybės įtaką politinėms orientacijoms bei elgsenai.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Eriksono-Goldthorpe-Portocarero (EGP) klasių teorija, pokomunistinės Lietuvos socialinė struktūra ir politika, gero gyvenimo šansų nelygybė, atitikties analizė.Key words: Erikson-Goldthorpe-Portocarero (EGP) class theory, ABSTRACTTHE CLASS STRUCTURE OF CONTEMPORARY LITHUANIA: A NEO-WEBERIAN ANALYSISThis article analyses social inequality and political processes in post-Communist Lithuania, using the neo-Weberian class theory of Robert Erikson, John Goldthorpe and Lucienne Portocarero (EGP). The opening section considers why the analysis of social structure, which was a central concern in classical sociology, has been so neglected in Lithuanian sociology since the restoration of independence. There are just two exceptions to this trend, discussed in the same section – Rūta Brazienė’s 2002 thesis and the 2005 volume edited by Arvydas Matulionis. The first part also compares inductive (data-driven) and deductive (theory-driven) methodologies of social structure analysis to substantiate the advantages of the latter for this article’s empirical analysis. The second part outlines EGP class theory, considered as a creative continuation of Weber’s classical analysis of social structure, and as a genuine alternative to Marx’s theory of classes and class struggle. EGP class theory is compared with two other approaches – Erik Olin Wright’s neo-Marxist class theory, which emphasises exploitation relations between classes, and American social stratification analysis, which focuses on the measurement of socio-economic status (SES). The third section offers a neo-Weberian examination of post-Communist Lithuania’s class structure, represented by four different EGP class types. Diachronic and synchronic comparisons and historical analysis are used to point out the features of Lithuanian class structure that are shared with other similar countries and those features that are nationally specific. To this end, data from Round 4 of the European Social Survey in Lithuania (conducted at the end of 2009) is used. In the last section, which applies statistical methods of correspondence analysis, a slightly modified EGP class model is used to explore manifestations of social inequality (conceived in Weberian terms as an unequal distribution of ‘life chances’), as well as the voting and ideological orientations of the Lithuanian electorate

Changes in class structures after the great recession: Estonia and Lithuania compared

In the studies of transition states and societies, Estonia and Lithuania are considered as twin cases of the neoliberal Baltic model due to similarities in their political economies and macroeconomic policies. Do similarities between the two countries extend to their class structures? We compare changes of the class composition in Estonia and Lithuania during the 2008-2015 period, encompassing the Great Recession and subsequent recovery. For empirical analysis, we use the European Social Survey (ESS) data and employ the framework of the European Socio-economic Classification (ESeC). We find that by 2015 the class structure of the Estonian society became similar to the class structures in the technologically most advanced post-industrial countries. Changes in the class structure of Lithuania diverged from general trends, preserving many features characteristic of industrial societies