32 research outputs found
Corporatisme québécois et performance des gouvernants : analyse comparative des politiques environnementales en agriculture
Lâarticle analyse la performance du corporatisme quĂ©bĂ©cois en ce qui concerne lâĂ©laboration des politiques gouvernementales dans un contexte qui lui apparaĂźt peu favorable. En plus dâoffrir une analyse concernant le secteur environnemental au QuĂ©bec, lâarticle prĂ©sente un examen de la situation en Ontario et en Caroline du Nord dans le mĂȘme secteur. Cet examen permet dâidentifier dâimportants contrastes. Lâanalyse comparative dĂ©montre en effet que les performances environnementales de lâOntario et de la Caroline du Nord sont infĂ©rieures Ă celle du QuĂ©bec. Elle permet aussi dâattribuer les performances Ă des diffĂ©rences dans les structures des rĂ©seaux de politiques gouvernementales. En dâautres termes, loin dâĂȘtre dĂ©passĂ©, le corporatisme quĂ©bĂ©cois continue dâĂȘtre une structure politique efficace.This article argues that in spite of inimical circumstances, QuĂ©bec corporatism can still produce high performing public policy. A comparative analysis of environmental policy-making between QuĂ©bec, Ontario and North Carolina illustrates that QuĂ©bec's performance in this sector outperforms the latter cases. This analysis further demonstrates that differences in performance can be attributed to the variations in each jurisdiction's public policy network. In other words, far from being anachronistic, QuĂ©bec corporatism still enjoys a good deal of success
Does business influence government regulations? Newevidence from Canadian impact assessments
Regulatory impact assessments frequently embed stakeholder consultations in their design.
Canada was one of the early adopters of such an approach and therefore has systematic
documentation on the actors taking part in these consultations. This article asks whether these
consultations have an influence on regulatory change and whether business disproportionally
benefits from them. After converting the documentation into data, we find that these
consultations do in fact matter: the more diversified the stakeholders taking part, the more
stringent the changed regulations. But we also found that for a subset of regulatory changes,
those likely to carry high economic stakes, business takes advantage of the consultation, often
obtaining some reduction in regulatory stringency. These reductions, however, are
conditioned on the relative absence of opposing views expressed during the consultations
Credibility in Policy Expertise: The Function of Boundaries Between Research and Policy
As science becomes an increasingly crucial resource for addressing complex challenges in society, extensive demands are placed upon the researchers who produce it. Creating valuable expert knowledge that intervenes in policy or practice requires knowledge brokers to facilitate interactions at the boundary between research and policy. Yet, existing research lacks a compelling account of the ways in which brokerage is performed to gain credibility. Drawing on mixed-method analysis of twelve policy research settings, I outline a novel set of strategies for attaining symbolic power, whereby policy experts position themselves and others via conceptual distances drawn between the âworld of ideasâ and the âworld of policy and practiceâ. Disciplinary distance works to situate research as either disciplinary or undisciplinary, epistemic distance creates a boundary between complex specialist research and direct digestible outputs, temporal distance represents the separation of slow rigorous research and agile responsive analysis, and economic distance situates research as either pure and intrinsic or marketable and fundable. I develop a theoretical account that unpacks the boundaries between research communities and shows how these boundaries permit policy research actors to achieve various strategic aims.ESRC Future Research Leaders ES/N016319/1
Commonwealth Scholarship Commissio
La démocratisation de la gestion des risques
La gestion des risques liĂ©s aux biotechnologies a traditionnellement Ă©tĂ© accomplie en conformitĂ© aux principes de la rationalitĂ© managĂ©riale, qui confinent Ă lâintĂ©rieur de rĂŽles trĂšs prĂ©cis les scientifiques, les managers et les politiciens. Les rĂ©cents scandales du sang contaminĂ© et de la vache folle ont non seulement contribuĂ© Ă remettre en cause les prĂ©ceptes de cette rationalitĂ© managĂ©riale, mais aussi accru la sensibilitĂ© de certains gouvernants aux discours sur la dĂ©mocratisation de la gestion des risques. Cet article prĂ©sente deux modĂšles divergents de dĂ©mocratisation de la gestion des risques dans le domaine des OGM, et un cas hybride. Le premier modĂšle, observĂ© au Canada, ne remet pas fondamentalement en question les principes de la rationalitĂ© managĂ©riale, bien que ses partisans nâhĂ©sitent pas Ă recourir Ă la rhĂ©torique de la dĂ©mocratisation. Le deuxiĂšme, celui des perspectives contradictoires observĂ© en France, est plus fidĂšle aux idĂ©es de dĂ©mocratisation qui trouvent leur source dans la thĂ©orie critique de la rationalitĂ© managĂ©riale. Enfin, le cas hybride, celui du Royaume-Uni, permet Ă lâauteur de conclure que le modĂšle de la subordination Ă la rationalitĂ© managĂ©riale nâest tenable que dans un contexte institutionnel qui favorise un strict contrĂŽle politique du discours sur les risques.Traditionally, management of biotechnological risks was accomplished according to the principles of managerial rationality, which constrained the role of scientists, managers and politicians. The recent scandals about contaminated blood and mad-cow disease have not only contributed to concerns about these notions of managerial rationality but have also prompted more attention to the concept of a democratization of risk management. This article provides two different models for managing risk in the area of genetically modified foods (GMO), as well as a hybrid case. The first model is found in Canada, and does little to undermine managerial rationality, even if its supporters deploy a rhetoric of democratization. The second model is found in France, and is more faithful to critiques of managerial rationality. The United Kingdom is the hybrid case. This third alternative allows the author to conclude that one can accept managerial rationality only in an institutional configuration that incorporates strict political control over discourse about risk management
Peut-on faire lâĂ©loge de la girouette ?
Ă lâautomne 1980 sâabattait sur le gouvernement du Parti conservateur britannique une pluie de mĂ©contentement. Les ennuis du gouvernement provenaient de lâopposition de Margaret Thatcher, premiĂšre ministre, Ă lâintervention de lâĂtat pour sortir le pays dâune crise Ă©conomique qui faisait exploser le chĂŽmage. La situation nâĂ©tait pas sans rappeler celle du gouvernement conservateur quâavait dirigĂ© Edward Heath. Alors quâaux Ă©lections de 1970 le parti avait promis lâadoption dâune politique Ă©co..
Ciencia y PolĂticas PĂșblicas
The relationship between science and public policy has always been controversial. On one hand, science has a dynamic guided by scientific reasoning, while public policies are guided by the competitive logic of political game. The following presentation is structured by answering four main questions: the first; what kind of science should be listened to?; the second, who should listen to what?; the third, do those who should listen really listen? and fourth, should scientists be involved in politics?
La relaciĂłn entre la ciencia y las polĂticas pĂșblicas siempre ha sido controvertida. Por un lado, la ciencia tiene una dinĂĄmica orientada por el razonamiento cientĂfico, mientras que las polĂticas pĂșblicas estĂĄn orientadas por la lĂłgica competitiva del juego polĂtico. La siguiente presentaciĂłn fue desarrollada respondiendo cuatro preguntas principales: la primera; ÂżquĂ© tipo de ciencia debe ser escuchada?â, la segunda, ÂżquiĂ©n deberĂa escuchar quĂ©?, la tercera, Âżaquellos que deberĂan escuchar realmente lo hacen?; y la cuarta, ÂżdeberĂan los cientĂficos deberĂan involucrarse en la polĂtica