20 research outputs found

    Russia versus the West

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    Zarówno rosyjskie władze jak i rosyjskie społeczeństwo mają poczucie krzywdy związane z pozycją Rosji w świecie. Nie godzą się z dominującą rolą Zachodu. W dużej mierze jest to związane z poczuciem rosyjskiej dumy. Konsekwencją tego stanu rzeczy jest wzmagająca się konfrontacja na linii Rosja-Zachód. Obecnie teatr owej konfrontacji to m.in. konflikt na wschodzie Ukrainy oraz wojna w Syrii. Obserwowana jest również intensyfikacja militarnego napięcia, której potwierdzeniem jest naruszanie przestrzeni powietrznej członków NATO. Autorzy niniejszego artykułu podjęli wysiłek badawczy związany z określeniem pól konfrontacji między Rosją i Zachodem.Both Russian authorities and Russian society have a sense of harm associated with the position of Russia in the world. They do not agree with the dominant role of the West. To a large extent it is associated with a sense of Russian pride. The consequence of this situation is the growing confrontation between the Russian Federation and the West. Currently, the theatre of confrontation is i.a. the conflict in the east of Ukraine and the war in Syria. The intensification of military tension is also observed, the confirmation of which is the violation of the airspace of NATO members. The author of this article undertook research effort associated with the determination of the fields of confrontation between Russia and the West

    Russia's return to the superpower status

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    OBJECTIVES: The elite of Russian power and Russian society have never come to terms with the collapse of the Soviet Union. They also did not accept ta world order with the United States in the primary role. The purpose of this article is to examine the policy of the Russian Federation, which is aimed at rebuilding its superpower position, and to identify the reasons that clearly define Russia’s determination in this respect. METHODS: Achieving the formulated goal will be possible by answering the question: Why does Russia strive to rebuild its status of global superpower and what actions does it undertake as part of its policy? This question is the main research problem, taken up by the authors. In order to solve the indicated problem, theoretical methods will be used in the form of: source and literature criticism, analysis, synthesis and inference. RESULTS: Nobody denies that Russia is still one of the largest countries in the world. Nonetheless, it is much smaller and weaker than the USSR. By means of assertive, not to say aggressive and anti-western politics it demands to be recognised as a superpower eligible to decide on the international order. However, in the contemporary world, superpower status is to a much smaller extent decided by territory. CONCLUSIONS: The foundations of the Russian superpower status are weak, and the popular anti-western narrative is not conducive to strengthening the Kremlin’s position internationally

    COLOR REVOLUTIONS AS A THREAT TO SECURITY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION. THE ANALYSIS OF RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

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    The article attempts to analyze and assess Russian perspectives of color revolutions as a threat to national security. Then the article focuses on the discussion of Russian concepts for countering color revolutions. The authors formulated the main research problem as the following question: What are the social movements, known as color revolutions, for the Russian Federation?; and formulates the following hypothesis: Color revolutions are recognized by the Russian authorities as social engineering inspired by the West, the aim of which is to overthrow the constitutional order of Russia and the states of the post-Soviet space to draw them into the sphere of influence of Euro-Atlantic structures. Color revolutions are considered a serious threat to national security by the Russian ruling elites. The first reason is the fear that the Russians, following the successful revolutions within the post-Soviet area, will themselves want to change the political system. The second is the loss of Russian influence in the countries of the former USSR. Color revolutions in the post-Soviet area have usually resulted in the emergence of pro-Western governments reluctant to Moscow. This, in turn, prevents the Russian ruling elites from rebuilding the empire

    NATO i UE w nowej rzeczywistości po aneksji Krymu

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    In February, 2014 Russian Federation began occupation of the Crimea, which is part of sovereign Ukraine, under the pretext of ethnic Russians protection. In the Russian military doctrine the purpose of a security policy to unite the Russian people is quite heavily accented, in the form of strategic control over the areas of the former Soviet Union. The annexation of the Crimea is therefore part of complex policy. On the way to implement such a concept also stand Baltic countries, members of NATO and the European Union. From the perspective of Russia the best would be to impose such a political system in Ukraine, which would guarantee full control and not allow future integration with NATO and the EU. According to the Kremlin way of thinking "good neighbor" should be integrated politically, economically and militarily with Russia, and not take part in integration processes with structures not controlled by Russia.W lutym 2014 r. Federacja Rosyjska rozpoczęła okupację Krymu, będącego częścią suwerennej Ukrainy, pod pretekstem ochrony ludności narodowości rosyjskiej. W rosyjskiej doktrynie militarnej dość mocno akcentowany jest cel polityki bezpieczeństwa, jakim jest zjednoczenie narodu rosyjskiego, w formie strategicznej kontroli nad obszarem byłego Związku Radzieckiego. Aneksja Krymu jest zatem elementem złożonej polityki. Na drodze do realizacji takiej koncepcji stoją także państwa bałtyckie, członkowie Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego i Unii Europejskiej. Z perspektywy Rosji najkorzystniejsze byłoby narzucenie takiego systemu politycznego Ukrainie, który gwarantowałby pełną kontrolę oraz uniemożliwiał przyszłą integrację z NATO i UE. Zgodnie ze sposobem myślenia Kremla „dobry sąsiad” powinien być zintegrowany politycznie, gospodarczo i wojskowo z Rosją, a nie uczestniczyć w procesach integracyjnych ze strukturami przez nią niekontrolowanymi

    Uwarunkowania funkcjonowania NATO i Unii Europejskiej we współczesnym środowisku bezpieczeństwa

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    Trying to diagnose contemporary and future security environment of the NATO and EU one should begin with identifying challenges and goals determining activities of these two organization. Accordin to UN forecast the Word population tends do steadily increase. Demographical changes applies also to Europe as existing social balance would be undermined by growing old citizens, weakening national identity and reluctance to solve global challenges. Climate changes will bring not only global warming but inevitable geopolitical and economic consequences related to territorial borders and right to explore energy resources – oil and gas. The competition around the Arctic will involve a number of states such as US, Canada, Denmark, Norway and Russia. Another threat is the danger of new divisions in Europe resulting from the economic and civilization threats. Deepening the differences arising from such a state of affairs as well as the existing extremes of richness and poverty may bring about an escalation of social dissatisfaction, and as a consequence, internal destabilization of the states. That is the reason why both organization should upport the tendencies towards economic and political integration of Euroatlantic area countries as well as towards the development of active mutually profitable co-operation with the states and regions from beyond particular European camps and institutions. NATO and EU possess a number of tools, political and military instruments that could face and manage crisis situation arising from dramatically changing security environment. Having mentioned above in mind the United States and European Union should enforce its strategic partnershi

    Zagrożenia wywiadowcze dla Unii Europejskiej i Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego.

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    In the article the author gives some arguments that the source of the biggest intelligence threat to the European Union and NATO, especially for Poland, is the special service of the Russian Federation. These services hold the agent activities in the area of Poland, which are focused on recognizing of the Polish Army, its modernization and adjustment to the NATO‘s standards. In this situation the best access to the essential information can be delivered by the agency in the arm environment or in its surroundings. The special interest can be focuses on the economic subjects busing with special trade because of their economical and defensive nature. Surely there are issues connected with plans of the elements of the rocket defence sitting in Poland, which are very interesting for Russian secret services. Therefore some agents can be located among the stuff inspecting the building site and the function of this system

    Wywiad Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego i Unii Europejskiej.

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    At the beginning of XXI century the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and European Union are on the threshold of a new challenges affecting international security. Traditional threats have been replaced by asymmetric ones and both organisations are looking for mechanisms and procedures which enable them take responsibility for crisis management and stabilisation activities. Those challenges have been identified by NATO Strategic Concept and EU Security Strategy. There seem to be general agreement that intelligence plays vital and increasing role to respond to the widened spectrum of strategic interests and requirements. It must be supported by a broader range of institutional and national contributions, encompassing both traditional military matters, expanded monitoring and reporting on political and socio-economic factors. NATO and EU have been developing and improving steadily their intelligence capabilities which are reflected by appropriate intelligence architecture and expansion of interests. In the event of conflict or crisis intelligence must provide a range of support commensurate with the maximising of the various capabilities to rapidly identify key factors influencing security and stability. Intelligence capable of providing continuous support to political and military authorities allows identify emerging instability trends towards crisis and conflict and stimulate preventive political and military measures. Therefore both institutions have developed NATO Intelligence Warning System and EU Watch List respectively. In the wake of 11th September intelligence and security cooperation have been considerably enhanced and substantially expanded. However cooperation tends to be sometimes problematic because of compartmentalized national intelligence gathering and firmly established within intelligence agencies principles of source protection

    Zdolności wywiadowcze Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych.

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    Defining precisely what constitutes the United Nations intelligence capabilities is difficult. By definition the UN has to be a transparent organization and it is suggested that the world intelligence should be banned from the terminology of the UN because the term associates with illegal or undercover activities. In accordance with the traditional attitude within the UN system intelligence gathering is contrary to the open nature of the UN system and is therefore absolutely forbidden. Reform documents such as An Agenda for Peace and the Brahimi Report , describe tasks that include early-warning information gathering and the need to provide for preventive steps based upon timely and accurate knowledge of facts. Other roles have included information for the understanding of developments and global trends based on analysis, and the need to integrate intelligence assets into the UN's decision processes. Whether the term intelligence or information is used to describe knowledge, the UN already has wellestablished information and analysis systems. Intelligence in peace operations has to be able to support several primary goals: first, gain public confidence though a winning the hearts and minds or at least create passive acceptance the UN activities; second, prevent misinformation spread by the indigenous paramilitary faction and purposely or spontaneously generated rumours about UN operation; third, protect deployed personnel and minimize damages. In peace intelligence allows respond to direct and indirect threats having in mind potential UN deployment. Intelligence is a vital component of soft political, economic, psychological, and moral power, supported by information operations, careful intelligence work, and surgical precision at the more direct military or police level. Intelligence has a strong role to play in supporting policy-makers attempting to negotiate solutions to divided communities. Many failures in the history of UN field operations might have been avoided if the UN had taken a more decisive approach to intelligence and possessed a stronger mandate to gather information and improve its information-gathering systems

    Imperialna gra Rosji

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    Ewolucja strukturalno-kadrowa aparatu centralnego pionu ogólnego kontrwywiadu krajowego Federacji Rosyjskiej w latach 1991–2016

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    The authors of this article have taken on the task of systematizing a knowledge in the field relating to organizational and personal changes carried out in the last quarter of the section of the overall national counterintelligence at the headquarters level in the „new „ Russian special services – from the Federal Agency for Security of the RSFSR to creation and development of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation And therefore the span of the research covers the period between November 1991 and September 2016. They have also analysed the human resources capabilities in the broader context of the political and socio – economic circumstances and provided forecasts as to the direction of its future developmen
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