Eastern Enlargement and the EU Energy Policy: towards Common European Energy Policy?

The paper analyses the development of the EU energy policy since the beginning of the European integration and argues that the eastern enlargement and two gas crises in 2006 and 2009 have crucially impacted its evolution. Originally, the ES/EU dealt primarily with the formation and liberalisation of internal energy market, however after 2004 the focus has shifted towards issues of energy security and external energy relations in general. The paper uses the spillover concept to analyse the development of the EU energy policy. It argues that the development of internal energy market was caused by a spillover from internal market as such, while the progress in the area of energy policy after the eastern enlargement was an outcome of efforts to achieve energy security; efforts that resulted in further spillover effects in areas such as diversification, external energy relations or efficiency. The paper thus claims that common European energy policy in its internal and external dimensions started to evolve gradually after the Eastern enlargement

Energy Security vs. Environmental Security: The Case of the Bratislava–Schwechat Pipeline

The paper analyses the development of the Bratislava–Schwechat Pipeline, which is supposed to connect the Slovak and Austrian oil pipeline networks. The research question asks why the project is being developed without taking into account arguments concerning environmental security even though rather significant environmental opposition to the pipeline has arisen. While the proponents of the project stress mainly its importance for the fostering of Slovak energy security, its opponents claim that the pipeline will endanger the current level of environmental security, since it presents a risk to Slovak fresh water reservoirs. In line with the theoretical approach, the paper argues that the conflict between these two types of security is positively skewed towards energy security, because its proponents are able to support their argumentation with concrete evidence. Moreover, advantages from improvements in energy security are visible in the short-term. On the other hand, the possible future negative environmental impacts of the pipeline are not so easy to assess (or quantify) and are of a long-term nature. The analysis also shows that due to the lack of activity of the Slovak Ministry of the Environment, a non-governmental organization Nie ropovodu (No to the pipeline) has become the main proponent of environmental security through the preparation phase of the project.The paper analyses the development of the Bratislava–Schwechat Pipeline, which is supposed to connect the Slovak and Austrian oil pipeline networks. The research question asks why the project is being developed without taking into account arguments concerning environmental security even though rather significant environmental opposition to the pipeline has arisen. While the proponents of the project stress mainly its importance for the fostering of Slovak energy security, its opponents claim that the pipeline will endanger the current level of environmental security, since it presents a risk to Slovak fresh water reservoirs. In line with the theoretical approach, the paper argues that the conflict between these two types of security is positively skewed towards energy security, because its proponents are able to support their argumentation with concrete evidence. Moreover, advantages from improvements in energy security are visible in the short-term. On the other hand, the possible future negative environmental impacts of the pipeline are not so easy to assess (or quantify) and are of a long-term nature. The analysis also shows that due to the lack of activity of the Slovak Ministry of the Environment, a non-governmental organization Nie ropovodu (No to the pipeline) has become the main proponent of environmental security through the preparation phase of the project

Brexit, Post-Brexit Europe and the V4:Potential Impacts, Interests, and Perceptions

The purpose of this report is to map the interests of the Visegrad 4 countries (V4; the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) towards Brexit and post-Brexit Europe, and indentify similarities in the views of the four countries where they can work together. Specifically, the report examines V4 interests towards three aspects of Brexit and post-Brexit Europe: interests towards the EU-UK deal itself; interests related to Brexit-induced changes in the UK; and interests on EU level changes caused by Brexit. All three aspects are analysed with a focus on economic, security and institutional issues

Eastern Partnership and the Preferences of New EU Member States

This paper tries to shed some light on factors influencing the positions of the new member states of the EU on Eastern Partnership in its initial phase. It utilises an analytical approach developed by Copsey and Haughton (2009) and argues that the two most important factors affecting positioning of newcomers towards the initiative are: perceived size and geography. While the new members were especially keen to support their immediate neighbours, they were using a common policy towards these countries to increase their presence and influence in the region since the initiative helped them to deal with neighbourhood issues they were not able to solve on their own. The paper suggests an amendment to the theoretical approach and proposes an assumption explaining positioning of the member states towards the third countries that better reflect the empirical evidence than the original framework. Moreover, the research showed that Poland differed from the rest of the new EU countries, was much more active and influential and rather resembled the old members. However, due to its not very positive image (caused by its assertive approach and strong effort to play a prominent role within the EU) its influence within the EU was limited and, therefore it proposed the Eastern Partnership together with Sweden that held a much better image

Newcomer, Normal Player or Regional Leader? Perceptions of Poland in the EU

This study analyses the status of the new EU member states and, in particular, Poland as it is perceived by the representatives of the older EU members. On a theoretical level, it argues that the transformation of the newcomers into “normal players” or even “regional leaders” is dependent on five specific conditions that each of these countries must fulfil. These range from (1) simple compliance with the EU’s basic norms and (2) a sufficient level of orientation in EU decision-making to (3) establishment of the country’s unique policy expertise, (4) the ability to create winning coalitions and finally and above all (5) a willingness to defend the interests of the Union as a whole. On an empirical level, we draw on an extensive set of interviews with diplomats belonging to the permanent representation of the old member states in Brussels. Based on these data, we conclude that (1) Poland has already established itself as a normal EU player fully comparable with the older member states. In terms of the country’s leadership status, (2) Poland has also moved to the position of frontrunner among the new member states. However, the country still fails in at least one criterion: (regional) leadership. This precludes it from becoming a fully respected and leading state in the EU

Cooperation and Security: Examining the Political Discourse on Natural Gas Transit in Ukraine and Slovakia

The COVID-19 pandemic appeared in the midst of developing the European Green Deal, the most ambitious project to decarbonise the EU’s economy to date. Among other issues, the project highlighted the challenges connected to the long-term role of natural gas as a fossil fuel in the European economy. Moreover, the changes to the gas architecture caused by the development of new import infrastructure (especially Nord Stream and its extension, which is currently under construction) put additional pressure on the transit countries, mainly of which are linked to the Brotherhood pipeline. These have been strong supporters of natural gas utilisation and harsh critics of new pipelines that circumvent their territories, as they consider energy transit to be an important part of their energy sectors. This research examines the political discourse on gas transit in Slovakia and Ukraine in order to identify the main arguments connected to these positions. The paper examines a total of 233 textual units from both countries for the period 2014–2018. It concludes that, while Ukraine sees transit predominantly through the lens of cooperation with the EU and other actors, the Slovak political discourse considers gas transit in terms of energy security and the availability of gas for the national economy

Conclusion: Size is not everything

peer reviewe

Complete but Fragmented: Research on Energy in Central and Eastern Europe

This paper examines 16 years (2004–2019) of research on energy in eleven Central and Eastern European countries. The findings are based on an analysis of 3534 academic articles indexed in the Web of Knowledge database. The paper presents a systematic overview of the authorship, journal of publication, countries covered, and article content. The main conclusion is that the discussion is fragmented, because most of the journals (800 were identified) published only one paper on energy in the region. About one-fourth of the research was published in a handful of major journals. Male researchers dominated our dataset and there has been a visible increase in the average number of authors per article. The country most often covered by the research was Poland and energy efficiency was the most-discussed issue and renewables the most-frequently researched energy source. Surprisingly, nuclear energy and energy security, considered to be the dominant features of the CEE region energy picture, were studied only minimally

Eastern Partnership and the Preferences of New EU Member States

This paper tries to shed some light on factors influencing the positions of the new member states of the EU on Eastern Partnership in its initial phase. It utilises an analytical approach developed by Copsey and Haughton (2009) and argues that the two most important factors affecting positioning of newcomers towards the initiative are: perceived size and geography. While the new members were especially keen to support their immediate neighbours, they were using a common policy towards these countries to increase their presence and influence in the region since the initiative helped them to deal with neighbourhood issues they were not able to solve on their own. The paper suggests an amendment to the theoretical approach and proposes an assumption explaining positioning of the member states towards the third countries that better reflect the empirical evidence than the original framework. Moreover, the research showed that Poland differed from the rest of the new EU countries, was much more active and influential and rather resembled the old members. However, due to its not very positive image (caused by its assertive approach and strong effort to play a prominent role within the EU) its influence within the EU was limited and, therefore it proposed the Eastern Partnership together with Sweden that held a much better image