Direct Democracy: Protest Catalyst or Protest Alternative?

This paper presents the first investigation of whether direct democracy supplements or undermines the attendance of demonstrations as a form of protest behavior. A first approach assumes that direct democracy is associated with fewer protests, as they function as a valve that integrates voters' opinions, preferences, and emotions into the political process. A competing hypothesis proposes a positive relationship between direct democracy and this unconventional form of political participation due to educative effects. Drawing on individual data from recent Swiss Electoral Studies, we apply multilevel analysis and estimate a hierarchical model of the effect of the presence as well as the use of direct democratic institutions on individual protest behavior. Our empirical findings suggest that the political opportunity of direct democracy is associated with a lower individual probability to attend demonstration

Politicizing immigration in Western Europe

Immigration has become a hot topic in West European politics. The factors responsible for the intensification of political conflict on this issue are a matter of considerable controversy. This holds in particular for the role of socio-economic factors and of radical right populist parties. This article explores the politicization of immigration issues and its driving forces in the electoral arena. It is based on a comparative study using both media and manifesto data covering six West European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland, and the UK) for a period from the early 1990s until 2017. We find no association between socio-economic factors and levels of politicization. Political conflict over immigration follows a political logic and must be attributed to parties and party competition rather than to ‘objective pressures.’ More specifically, we provide evidence that the issue entrepreneurship of radical right populist parties plays a crucial role in explaining variation in the politicization of immigration

Participatory effects of regional authority: decentralisation and political participation in comparative perspective

<p>This article studies political participation in the context of decentralisation in Europe. Recent secession attempts demonstrate how the demand for decentralisation energises citizens. Yet the fact that decentralised institutions, initially, were endorsed to increase citizens’ participation is often neglected. In order to test this contention empirically, three theoretically informed arguments are developed, making use of the most recent data on regional authority for 282 regions in 20 European countries. Results of three-level hierarchical models lend support to the arguments. Regional self-rule increases probabilities to engage only in more demanding and less common forms of participation. It also acts as a political opportunity structure, moderating the influence of individual driving forces of participation. Participatory effects on protest activity, however, turn out to be endogenous, as the instrumental variable analysis indicates that decentralisation does not increase protest, but rather the reverse. These findings seem relevant to the current heated debates both on secession attempts and waning political involvement.</p

Subtle Social Stressors of Civil Wars: Transformation of social networks and psychological distress in Sri Lanka

Civil wars entail many harmful consequences for the population beyond physical injuries and casualties. Although recent research has pointed out the importance of psychological distress, it must not be overlooked that not only immediate experiences from civil wars can cause such distress, but also the processes transforming social networks. In this article, the authors argue that wartime transformation is enduring even after the civil war has ended. It is precisely these social processes that are responsible for the psychological footprint on civilians. This claim is tested using original survey data collected in Sri Lanka, which has witnessed a devastating civil war. Results of the regression analysis indicate that social transformation processes are distinctly associated with increased war-related distress. Moreover, social transformation processes partly mediate the relationship between direct exposure to war and distress. These findings have important implications for our understanding of social interventions in the aftermath of civil wars.Les guerres civiles ont nombre de conséquences graves pour les populations, par-delà les blessures physiques et les victimes. Bien que des recherches récentes aient mis en avant l’importance du stress psychologique, il ne faut pas perdre de vue que ce ne sont pas seulement les expériences immédiates de la guerre civile qui peuvent entraîner le stress psychologique mais aussi les processus de transformation des réseaux sociaux. Dans cet article, nous expliquons que les transformations en temps de guerre perdurent même après la fin d’une guerre civile. Ce sont précisément ces processus sociaux qui sont responsables de l’empreinte psychologique laissée sur les civils. Pour vérifier cette affirmation, nous avons utilisé les données d’une enquête originale menée au Sri Lanka, où la guerre civile a fait des ravages. Les résultats de l’analyse de régression indiquent que les processus de transformation sociale sont clairement associés à l’augmentation du stress lié à la guerre. Qui plus est, les processus de transformation sociale sont en partie dus à la relation entre l’exposition directe à la guerre et le stress lié à la guerre. Ces résultats sont importants pour comprendre les interventions sociales à mener à la suite d’une guerre civile.Las guerras civiles conllevan muchas consecuencias perjudiciales para la población más allá de las lesiones físicas y las víctimas. Aunque investigaciones recientes han señalado la importancia de la angustia psicológica, no debe pasarse por alto que no solo las experiencias inmediatas de las guerras civiles pueden causar angustia psicológica, sino también los procesos que transforman las redes sociales. En este documento, argumentamos que las transformaciones producidas en tiempos de guerra son duraderas incluso después de que la guerra civil haya terminado. Precisamente, estos procesos sociales son los responsables de la huella psicológica sobre la población civil. Esta afirmación es probada utilizando datos de una encuesta original recopilada en Sri Lanka, un país que ha sido testigo de una guerra civil devastadora. Los resultados del análisis de regresión indican que los procesos de transformación social están claramente asociados con un aumento de la angustia relacionada con la guerra. Además, los procesos de transformación social afectan en parte a la relación entre la exposición directa a la guerra y la angustia. Estos hallazgos tienen implicaciones importantes para nuestra comprensión de las intervenciones sociales después de las guerras civiles

Decentralisation and political inequality: a comparative analysis of unequal turnout in European regions

This article analyses whether and how the persistent positive relationship between socioeconomic status and political participation can be moderated by institutional design. Hopes to boost turnout rates of socially disadvantaged citizens often rest upon the introduction of participatory institutions. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Alexis de Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill had already asserted claims about the educative effect of close political institutions at the local level, which presumably result in a decrease in social inequality. More recently, campaigns for greater regional authority throughout Europe have represented a demand for opportunities to participate in decentralised, accessible polities. Based on data from 259 regions in Europe, we investigate whether political decentralisation and increased opportunities to participate are appropriate means of mitigating political inequality. The results not only fail to meet expectations but show that decentralisation in fact reinforces unequal voter turnout. These findings are particularly relevant for combatting inequality and indicating the potential side effects of decentralisation campaigns

Wollen sie nicht, können sie nicht, oder werden sie nicht gefragt? Nichtwählertypen in der Schweiz

1. Einleitung 2. Die Big-Five-Persönlichkeitseigenschaften 3. Persönlichkeit und Parteibindung – theoretische Überlegungen 4. Daten, Messung und Methode 5. Ergebnisse 6. Schlussbetrachtungen