Molti lettori, ma "con giudizio". Giovanni Tabacco, storico delle istituzioni

Nella vasta gamma di interessi testimoniata dall'attività di recensore di Giovanni Tabacco, il contributo si sofferma in particolare sul suo approccio molto critico alla storiografia costituzionale tedesca (Böckenförde, Brunner)

Cittadinanza amministrativa e cittadinanza politica tra Sette e Novecento

La costruzione parallela, ma non sempre coincidente, della cittadinanza amministrativa e della cittadinanza politica in Europa tra il tardo Settecento e il Novecent

Sui confini nell'Italia preunitaria

La costruzione dei confini nell'Italia preunitari

Intervento sulla World History

Riflessioni sugli apporti scientifici della World History e sulle sue prospettive di diffusione nella storiografia italian

Effects of density on lek-site selection by Black Grouse <i>Tetrao tetrix</i> in the Alps

Capsule: The Black Grouse is a primarily lekking species, but low population density and lack of suitable habitat can lead to the establishment of non-lekking populations. Aims: To understand if differences in density could be related to differences in the lekking system, if there were differences in lek-site selection, and if there was a direct effect of habitat on the lek size. Methods: We compared lek sizes between two Black Grouse populations with different male population densities as estimated by distance sampling. We considered land-cover categories, landscape metrics and orographic variables and computed the Ivlev’s Electivity Index to evaluate habitat selection of males in the two study areas. A general linear model was used to assess the relationship between lek size and habitat variables. Results: We could not demonstrate the direct effect of density on the displaying behaviour but we found strongly different patterns of lek-site selection and different effects of habitat on lek size according to the population density. Conclusions: We concluded that habitat normally considered as high quality and habitat complexity may play different roles in selection by solitary versus lekking males when different population densities are considered

Une souveraineté populaire masquée : le cas de l’Italie sous la Restauration

Cet article analyse en premier lieu les usages discursifs de l’énoncé « souveraineté populaire » dans le langage politique italien du premier XIXe siècle. Il montre comment le discours public légal est monopolisé, au moins jusqu’en 1848, par des auteurs qui soit l’assimilent à un crime, soit la configurent sur un mode oligarchique. Seuls des groupes minoritaires, d’essence démocratique, la revendiquent explicitement. Cependant, une modalité singulière de souveraineté populaire, cachée ou masquée, émerge dans le monde secret de la conspiration politique, à travers des formes d’expression symbolique. Pour autant, même les partisans de la souveraineté populaire – Mazzini compris – la soumettent à un certain nombre de limitations. Ils la considéraient comme un horizon à atteindre, à l’issue d’un mouvement d’éducation politique des masses. Paradoxalement, une souveraineté socialement plus inclusive est parfois mise en acte dans des moments insurrectionnels qui renvoient à un ordre corporatif traditionnel, singulièrement dans le Mezziogiorno.The article examines the various uses of the expression ‘popular sovereignty’ in the Italian political language during the first half of the nineteenth-century. It underlines how, at least until the year 1848, the public and legal discourse on popular sovereignty was almost monopolized by authors who, on the one hand, considered it as a crime, on the other hand were ready to accept only an oligarchic version of this practice. Popular sovereignty was, on the contrary, more appreciated in democratic circles, but they were a minority. However, a special kind of ‘hidden’ popular sovereignty emerged in the secret world of the political conspiracy, whose symbolical ways of expression are investigated in the third part of the article. Nevertheless, even amongst most of its supporters (Mazzini included) the idea of popular sovereignty was subjected to limitations. Basically they considered it as a practice which the masses could play only after their political education. Paradoxically, a socially more inclusive form of popular sovereignty was sometimes in act, particularly in the South of Italy, in single episodes of political rebellion, which echoed the popular tradition of the old corporate world.Dieser Artikel analysiert in erster Linie die diskursive Verwendung des Ausdrucks „Volkssouveränität“ im politischen Sprachgebrauch Italiens im 19. Jahrhundert. Es wird gezeigt, wie der öffentliche und rechtliche Diskurs zumindest bis 1848 durch Autoren vereinnahmt wurde, die Volkssouveränität entweder mit einem Verbrechen gleichsetzten oder in einer oligarchischen Lesart interpretierten. Nur demokratische Minderheiten bekannten sich explizit zu ihr. Allerdings entwickelte sich in der geheimen Welt der politischen Verschwörungen eine besondere verborgene oder „verschleierte“ Form der Volkssouveränität, die sich in symbolischen Ausdrucksformen zeigte. Gleichwohl wurden der Volkssouveränität von ihren eigenen Anhängern – Mazzini eingeschlossen – Grenzen gesetzt. Diese Verfechter sahen sie als ein Ziel, dem eine politische Erziehung der Massen vorangehen müsse. Paradoxerweise wurde eine sozial inklusivere Souveränität mitunter bereits in einzelnen aufrührerischen Bewegungen, insbesondere im Mezzogiorno, verwirklicht, die auf eine traditionelle ständische Ordnung zurückverwiesen