103 research outputs found
Le cycle de l'azote de marais filtrants artificiels : potentiel d'émission de gaz à effet de serre (GES) et exportation de formes azotées
Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal
RĂ©cits de Nutashkuan : la crĂ©ation dâune rĂ©serve indienne en territoire innu
Ce mĂ©moire porte sur la crĂ©ation de la rĂ©serve indienne de Nutashkuan, situĂ©e sur la cĂŽte nord du Saint-Laurent, dans les annĂ©es 1950. Se basant principalement sur une sĂ©rie dâentrevues dâhistoire orale rĂ©alisĂ©es par lâauteure en 2013, il explore les facteurs qui ont conduit les Innus Ă se sĂ©dentariser Ă lâembouchure de la Grande riviĂšre Natashquan, un lieu quâils frĂ©quentaient depuis longtemps sans pour autant y vivre Ă lâannĂ©e. Leurs rĂ©cits permettent dâapprĂ©hender comment les Innus ont vĂ©cu lâentrĂ©e des Affaires indiennes dans leur vie au 20e siĂšcle, et comment ils racontent ces Ă©vĂ©nements aujourdâhui. Ă leurs voix sâajoutent celles de narrateurs aujourdâhui disparus, exhumĂ©es des archives. De ce dialogue Ă©merge une suite de courts rĂ©cits qui racontent lâimpact du colonialisme dans une petite communautĂ© autochtone en rĂ©gion Ă©loignĂ©e.
This thesis is based on stories collected during an oral history project conducted by the author in 2013 with members of the Innu community of Nutashkuan (North Shore region, Quebec). It explores the creation of their reserve in the 1950s and the factors that drove the Innu to settle at the mouth of the Natashquan River, a place they had long frequented without living there all year round. Their stories shed light not only on how the Innu experienced the arrival of the Indian Affairs into their lives during the 20th century, but also on how they remember and tell these events today. Written accounts, rediscovered in the archives, allow deceased narrators to join their voices to the living ones. From this dialogue emerges a series of short stories that tell the impact of colonialism on a small Aboriginal community in a remote area
Un territoire de cent pas de cĂŽtĂ©Â : rĂ©cits de la crĂ©ation dâune rĂ©serve indienne en territoire innu au milieu du XXe siĂšcle
Cet article se base sur des rĂ©cits recueillis dans le cadre dâun projet de recherche en histoire orale menĂ© avec des membres de la communautĂ© innue de Nutashkuan, sur la CĂŽte-Nord, et qui portait sur la crĂ©ation de leur rĂ©serve dans les annĂ©es 1950. Il se veut un exemple dâune utilisation possible de lâhistoire orale oĂč les rĂ©cits, placĂ©s au coeur de la trame narrative, permettent dâĂ©crire une histoire des Autochtones qui soit portĂ©e par leur propre comprĂ©hension des Ă©vĂ©nements. Au-delĂ de leur ancrage dans des lieux trĂšs prĂ©cis, les rĂ©cits prĂ©sentĂ©s ici ouvrent la porte Ă une histoire plus vaste de lâimposition de la Loi sur les Indiens aux communautĂ©s autochtones du QuĂ©bec.This article is based on stories collected during an oral history project conducted with members of the Innu community of Nutashkuan (North Shore region, Quebec), which explored the creation of their reserve in the 1950s. It argues that oral history, by putting the stories at the heart of the narrative, can allow us to write a history of Aboriginal peoples that is propelled by their own comprehension of historical events. Although locally grounded, the stories presented here shed light on the broader implications of the imposition of the Indian Act on Aboriginal communities in Quebec
La création de la réserve de Nutashkuan : Espaces physique, politique et économique
Cet article se base sur des rĂ©cits recueillis dans le cadre dâun projet de recherche en histoire orale menĂ© avec des membres de la communautĂ© innue de Nutashkuan, sur la CĂŽte-Nord, et qui portait sur la crĂ©ation de leur rĂ©serve par les Affaires indiennes dans les annĂ©es 1950. PlacĂ©s au coeur de la trame narrative, ces rĂ©cits abordent non seulement la construction des premiĂšres maisons, mais aussi lâimposition dâun chef pour la communautĂ© et lâintroduction dâune dĂ©pendance Ă©conomique via la distribution de rations et le resserrement des activitĂ©s productives. Lâimbrication de ces histoires permet dâentrevoir lâamĂ©nagement dâune rĂ©serve comme un espace Ă la fois physique, social, politique et Ă©conomique. Au-delĂ de son ancrage dans un lieu bien prĂ©cis, cet article ouvre la porte Ă lâhistoire plus vaste de lâimposition de la Loi sur les Indiens aux communautĂ©s autochtones du QuĂ©bec, portĂ©e par le point de vue des Innus sur leur propre histoire.This article is based on stories collected during an oral history project conducted with members of the Innu community of Nutashkuan (North Shore region, QuĂ©bec), which explored the creation of their reserve by the Department of Indian Affairs in the 1950s. Constituting the heart of the narrative, these stories address not only the construction of the first houses, but also the imposition of the first chief for the community and the introduction of an economic dependence through the distribution of rations and narrowing of productive activities. Taken together, they allow us to appreciate the creation of a reserve as a physical, social, political and economic space. Although locally grounded, this article hopes to shed light on the broader implications of the intrusion of the Indian Act on Aboriginal communities in QuĂ©bec, propelled by the Innusâ own perspective on historical events.Este artĂculo estĂĄ basado en relatos recogidos como parte de un proyecto de investigaciĂłn de historia oral realizado con miembros de la comunidad Innu de Nutashkuan, en la regiĂłn de CĂŽte-Nord, el cual se centrĂł en la creaciĂłn de su reserva por Asuntos IndĂgenas en los años 1950. Situados en el corazĂłn de la narrativa, estos relatos abordan no sĂłlo la construcciĂłn de las primeras casas, sino tambiĂ©n la imposiciĂłn de un jefe para la comunidad y la introducciĂłn de una dependencia econĂłmica a travĂ©s de la distribuciĂłn de raciones y el ajuste de las actividades productivas. La imbricaciĂłn de estas historias permite vislumbrar la planificaciĂłn de una reserva como un espacio fĂsico, social, polĂtico y econĂłmico. MĂĄs allĂĄ de su anclaje en un lugar especĂfico, este artĂculo abre la puerta a la historia extensa de la imposiciĂłn de la Ley sobre los IndĂgenas a las comunidades aborĂgenes de QuĂ©bec, vista desde el punto de vista de los Innu sobre su propia historia
Autochtoniser lâenseignement de lâhistoire du QuĂ©bec et du Canada au secondaire et Ă lâuniversitĂ© : entre volontĂ©, obstacles Ă©pistĂ©mologiques et tensions identitaires
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada's (TRC) Call to Action 62 (2012), which focuses on education for reconciliation, directly challenges Canadian educational institutions, and more specifically the history classroom. While the education of non-Indigenous children is the responsibility of the provinces, it seems that Quebec is moving slower than other provinces in the project of recognizing and including Indigenous perspectives and knowledges in the teaching of history. How can we explain this in relation to the specific contexts of Quebecâs settler colonial history? To answer this question, we asked individuals teaching Quebec and Canadian history at the secondary and university levels (n=46) about their position on the inclusion of Indigenous perspectives and knowledges in the teaching of their discipline and the courses of action they identified to implement the TRC's calls to action. From this analysis, we perceived first of all a certain enthusiasm for the inclusion of Indigenous history in classrooms, but epistemological and identity-related obstacles also emerged that could explain the specificity (or particularity) of Quebec in the current project of Indigenization in Canada.Lâappel Ă lâaction 62 de la Commission de vĂ©ritĂ© et rĂ©conciliation (CVR) du Canada (CVR, 2012), qui porte sur lâĂ©ducation pour la rĂ©conciliation, interpelle directement les institutions scolaires canadiennes, et plus prĂ©cisĂ©ment la classe dâhistoire. Alors que lâĂ©ducation des enfants non-Autochtones est prise en charge par les provinces, il semble que le QuĂ©bec avance plus lentement que dâautres provinces dans le projet de reconnaissance et dâinclusion des perspectives et des savoirs autochtones dans lâenseignement de lâhistoire. Comment expliquer cette spĂ©cificitĂ© de lâhistoire coloniale du QuĂ©bec? Pour y rĂ©pondre, nous avons questionnĂ© des personnes enseignant lâhistoire du QuĂ©bec et du Canada au secondaire et Ă lâuniversitĂ© (n=46) sur leur position Ă lâĂ©gard de lâinclusion des savoirs et des perspectives autochtones dans lâenseignement de leur discipline et les pistes dâaction quâelles identifient pour mettre en Ćuvre les appels Ă lâaction de la CVR. De cette analyse, nous constatons dâabord un certain engouement pour lâinclusion de lâhistoire autochtone dans les cours, mais se dĂ©gagent Ă©galement des obstacles Ă©pistĂ©mologiques et identitaires pouvant expliquer la spĂ©cificitĂ© quĂ©bĂ©coise dans le projet dâautochtonisation en cours au Canada
Food-Based Composts Provide More Soil Fertility Benefits Than Cow Manure-Based Composts in Sandy Soils
Nutrient concentration and availability vary substantially among composts depending on the materials used and the production process. Composts produced from agricultural operations typically utilize animal wastes such as manures, whereas composts produced in urban areas mainly incorporate food and yard waste. Our objective was to assess how different composts affect nutrient availability and cycling, mostly carbon (C) and nitrogen (N). In a laboratory incubation, we compared three composts derived from cow manure (composted dairy manure solids, vermicompost made from those manure solids, and Black KowTM) and two composts derived from food waste (composted food waste from the UF-IFAS Compost Cooperative and EcoscrapsTM). We used two sandy soils from Gainesville, FL: one from an area under perennial grasses and a second heavily-tilled soil lower in organic matter. Incubations were conducted for eight weeks at 24 and 30 °C, i.e., the annual and July mean soil temperature for the area. The composted and vermicomposted cow manure solids had the greatest CO2 emissions relative to the unamended soils. Soil nitrate was highest with composted food waste, whereas all three cow manure-derived composts resulted in lower soil nitrate compared to the unamended soils. This suggests that N was immobilized with cow manure-derived composts, consistent with the high CO2 emissions measured with these amendments. We found similar results for both soils. Our results indicate a greater potential for food-waste compost as a nutrient source than compost derived primarily from cow manure solids, which could be more beneficial to building soil C
Effect of loading rate on hydraulic and treatment performance of CWs treating anaerobic sludge storage tank supernatant
Three years of cover crops management increased soil organic matter and labile carbon pools in a subtropical vegetable agroecosystem
Abstract Cover crops have been widely adopted to improve soil functions in agroecosystems, including providing carbon (C) inputs that can contribute to soil C sequestration. However, soil C changes may be slow after introducing cover crops in unfavorable environments for soil organic matter (SOM) accumulation, like the Southeast United States subtropical region characterized by a warm humid climate, and coarseâtextured soils. We examined labile C pools as potential early indicators of SOM changes after cover crop introduction in a sandy subtropical vegetable production system. We compared the effects of four cover crop monocultures namely two grasses [sorghum sudangrass, Sorghum bicolor Ă S bicolor var. Sudanese and pearl millet, Pennisetum glaucum (L.) R. Br.], two legumes (sunn hemp, Crotalaria juncea L., and cowpea, Vigna unguiculata Walp.), and one fourâspecies mixture on soil organic carbon pools for 3 years. Soil samples were collected at a 15âcm depth before cover crop planting and post cover crop incorporation to assess changes in SOM, permanganateâoxidizable carbon (POXâC), mineralizable carbon (Cmin), and water extractable organic carbon (WEOC). The incorporation of cover crops increased concentrations of SOM, POXâC, and Cmin in year 3 relative to their baseline values in year 1. Concentration of SOM increased by 0.24 ± 0.05% (mean ± standard error) after 3 years of cover crop management. However, concentrations of WEOC significantly decreased in years 2 and 3 relative to the baseline. Monocultures and the mixture had similar effects on measured C pools, likely due to comparable aboveground biomass production. Our findings highlight the potential of POXâC and Cmin as early indicators of SOM accumulation driven by cover crops use, as well as the capacity of cover crops to build SOM in similar subtropical systems and coarser textured soils
Greenhouse gas production and efficiency of planted and artificially aerated constructed wetlands
International audienc
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