Why do some local authorities have such poor websites? Insights from Sweden

Some Swedish local authorities have embraced online services and forms of digital democracy. Others have been slow to take up the opportunity. Gustav Lidén rates the country’s 290 municipalities according to the depth of their digital engagement, and looks at the possible factors influencing it. Lack of enthusiasm from senior politicians and bureaucratic inertia are key reasons why local councils are reluctant to invest in digital politics

Evidence from Sweden: how local governments shape migration policies

While migration policies are typically set by national governments, local governments play a key role in managing the settlement of migrants and their integration into society. Based on an analysis of Swedish migration policy in the aftermath of the 2015-16 migration crisis, Jon Nyhlén and Gustav Lidén shed light on the significance of the local level of government for migration policy

Is e-democracy more than democratic? : An examination of the implementation of socially sustainable values in e-democratic processes

A growing literature tries to contribute to a more balanced view of the concept of e-democracy. However, one seldom discussed aspect is the concept’s inadequate dimension on what a desirable development of society consists of. By adding certain values, today most pronounced in the theory of social sustainability, this article examines the awareness of such in three e-democratic projects in Swedish municipalities. This is carried out through a qualitative inquiry that uses different types of data and that regards social sustainability as an ongoing process that is suitable to be analysed in relation to other structures in society. The empirical part reveals different important topics. First it shows that the consciousness of socially sustainable values varies between the examined cases. Second, this variation can be due to both the varying success of e-democracy and to conditions inside the political organizations. In conclusion, this paper reveals that the consequence of adding a socially sustainable perspective to e-democracy is that it provides adequate opportunities for analysing social development without missing out qualities that are desired in a democratic society

Theories of Dictatorships : Sub-Types and Explanations

Despite the third wave of democratisation, dictatorships are still a widespread global phenomenon. In recent years, comparative scholars have shown a renewed interest in such regimes, which has resulted in a significant increase in the volume of research that has been produced. However, such research is not always carried out in a cumulative fashion and, therefore, lacks the traits of a more holistic perspective. Hence, it is appropriate to review this research to try to create opportunities for more systematisation in future studies. This study does this by focusing on two approaches: that is providing definitions of non-democracies, but also developing a framework for empirical explanations of these regimes. Addressing the first approach reveals gaps in previous definitions of dictatorships, which is something that is managed by stating a theoretically founded conceptualisation. Moreover, scrutinising the typologies of dictatorships and their variants provided by previous research reveals some loosely connected or almost arbitrary alternatives. Such flaws are discussed and solutions are given. Regarding the second approach, this article discusses findings on how both the existence of and the transition to dictatorships and their variants can be systematised. The outcome is a framework that can be applied in future research. To conclude, there is still much that is unknown about both the description and the explanation of dictatorships, but by systematising recent research this article sets out a more unified strategy

Democracy and Diffusion : Creating a Comprehensive Model for Explaining Democracy

Cross-national research aiming to explain democracy normally focuses either on internal or external factors as relevant for a country’s level of democracy. However, several scholars argue that democratization is not a completely domestic process. This study, with diffusion theory as a point of departure, shows how the two perspectives can be simultaneously examined. With the help of a theoretical framework that separates factors into different analytical levels, quantitative analyses make it possible to reach empirical results that examine the relevance of diffusion when it comes to countries’ levels of democracy, while controlling for internal variables. The results show that the effects of diffusion disappear when controlling for internal characteristics. In some cases, though, deviations to domestic explanations can be handled by addressing international influence instead. In general, it is reasonable to argue that the most powerful explanations for democracy are the traditional internal circumstances such as wealth and education.Jämförande studier med ambitionen att förklara länders nivå av demokrati väljer normalt en av två vägar. Det ena alternativet, och möjligen det mest frekventa, innebär att man försöker förklara länders demokratinivå utifrån egenskaper som man finner inom respektive fall. Oftast uttrycks detta genom att man tar fasta på länders ekonomiska utveckling, välstånd och kultur och försöker relatera det till deras demokrati. Det andra alternativet betraktar demokratiseringsprocesser som fenomen som inte huvudsakligen beror på interna karaktäristiska utan som istället beror på spridandet av idéer, det som benämns som diffusion. En begränsning som kännetecknar mycket av den rådande forskningen är att kombinationen av dessa båda perspektiv sällan förekommer. Den här studien har till uppgift att undersöka effekten av diffusion på länders nivå av demokrati samtidigt som länderspecifika egenskaper hanteras. För att beskriva de många relationer som stater idag har med andra länder används ofta beteckningen globalisering. Givet att de flesta länder idag har relationer med andra länder inom många olika områden förefaller det rimligt att fästa fokus på denna utgångspunkt även när demokratisering diskuteras. Möjligheten att sprida idéer från ett land till ett annat borde också idag vara långt större än tidigare. Successivt så har också det forskarsamhälle som studerar demokrati accepterat denna verklighetsbeskrivning. Forskning inom både kulturgeografi och statsvetenskap har bidragit med viktiga resultat. Man har kunnat leda i bevis att demokratier är geografiskt sett samlade och att grannländer ofta har likartade nivåer av demokrati. Till och med när viss kontroll sker för de traditionella förklaringarna för demokrati visar sig diffusionsfaktorer vara av vikt. En begränsning i många av dessa studier är dock att de är underspecificerade i relation till landkaraktäristiska. Man kontrollerar inte, med andra ord, i tillräckligt hög utsträckning för de olika tänkbara faktorerna som är uttryck för länders interna egenskaper och som kan tänkas förklara demokratinivå. Genom att pröva tre olika indikatorer för diffusion i relation till två olika kategorier av interna förklaringskrafter hanterar denna studie denna brist. Detta sker genom en analytisk åtskillnad mellan tre olika nivåer av teoretiskt grundade förklaringskrafter. De empiriska testen sker i formen av tvärsnittsanalyser genom i huvudsakligen regressionsanalyser på ett material som utgör i princip samtliga av världens stater. Undersökningen ger ett antal intressanta resultat. Effekten av diffusion på demokratinivå framstår som oklar men efter omfattande kontroll för exogen variation förefaller det som att denna faktor är svag i relation till andra förklaringskrafter. Traditionella förklaringar som betydelsen av ekonomisk utveckling och välstånd och religion framstår istället som de centrala variablerna. Även det tillägg som på senare år har gjorts till denna teoribildning kan verifiera. Det avser att ett ekonomiskt välstånd byggt på oljerikedomar inte har en positiv utan istället en negativ relation med demokratinivå. Sammanfattningsvis är alltså effekten av diffusion utan relevans när vi vill förklara variationen i demokrati bland världens stater. Vissa oklarheter existerar alltjämt vilket pekar på behovet av fortsatt forskning. Förutom vissa inkonsekventa resultat i regressionsanalyserna finns det också länder i datamaterialet vars förhållandevis höga nivå av demokrati är svår att förklara. Kanske kan man tänka sig att de fattiga muslimska länderna i Västafrika (Mali, Senegal och Sierra Leone) som trots allt är demokratiska är det p.g.a. att något av ett demokratiskt kluster har skapats i regionen. Avslutningsvis är det viktigt att understryka att de mest heltäckande förklaringarna till demokrati kan ges när förklaringskrafter som motsvarar olika analytiska nivåer kombineras

Från demokrati till e-demokrati : En jämförande studie av demokratiutveckling i det moderna samhället

This mainly deductive study examines what factors explain the variation of e-democracy and if, why a causal pathway exists. The deductive feature is carried out through examining the predictions of the modernization theory, testing hypotheses concerning the link between economic development and wealth in relation to e-democracy. Deriving from a theoretical point of departure where e-democracy is conceptualized with the help of democratic theory, this phenomenon is studied in three different but linked empirical parts. A cross-sectional global study did establish a relationship between some of the indicators derived from the theory; however, the magnitude of the explanatory power was lower at the level of e-democracy than at the level of democracy. A cross-sectional national study of all Sweden’s municipalities did show that especially high levels of education were clearly related to high levels of e-democracy. Approaching the questions of causal mechanisms and deviations from the found pattern, case studies did emphasize that the linkage between the structural conditions and actor’s-orientated explanations largely could verify what is deducted from theory. However, the importance of economic possibilities and internal prioritizations inside the political organization was essential for the development of e-democracy and was found through more inductive approaches. The main contribution of this thesis is the results that, both on an aggregated and a micro level, verify the theory but also add other important explanations. Another important conclusion is the creation of a model for e-democracy where a complete e-democracy is linked to democratic theory and not only maintains information, discussion, and decision-making processes through information and communication technology but also does this while strengthening political participation and political equality.PECO

Explaining Local Swedish Refugee Policy

In the Swedish migration system, the local level plays a crucial role since the municipalities have full autonomy to accept or decline refugees. This has created a considerable variation in numbers of immigrants among municipalities, and there is a large variation in local societies' willingness to receive refugees. In this study, we focus on all the Swedish municipalities for a time span of several years and derive from economic, demographic, socio-cultural, and explanatory factors that have been put forward in earlier research. Through quantitative analysis, we can show how income, the unemployment rate, population, and support for the right-wing party negatively vary with the willingness to receive refugees. Moreover, the distribution of income results in the opposite significant direction. These results, partly contradicting theory, show the importance of a nuanced and holistic theoretical base in further research