A social scientific framework for social systems in online video games: Building a better looking for raid loot system in World of Warcraft

This paper examines social behavior in the online video game World of Warcraft. Specifically focusing on one element of social design: the behavior of players in the first release of Looking-for-Raid (LFR) loot system of World of Warcraft. It uses lens of economic game theory, combined with Williams (2010) mapping principle and a modern theoretical account of human decision-making, to explore how theory about individual interactions in well-defined contexts (games) can explain collective behavior. It provides some support for this theoretical approach with an examination of data collected as part of an ethnographic study, through focus groups, and a survey distributed to 333 World of Warcraft players. It concludes with a discussion of the results and some guidelines for predicting collective outcomes in certain types of online games using the introduced framework. © 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved

Predictors of student mask mandate policies in United States school districts during the COVID-19 pandemic

IntroductionAlthough factors such as urbanicity, population demographics, and political affiliation have been linked with COVID-19 masking behavior and policy in community settings, little work has investigated factors associated with school mask policies. We sought to characterize United States state and school district student COVID-19 masking policies during the 2021–22 school year and determine predictors of these mandates at four time points, including before and after federal guidance relaxed school mask recommendations in February 2022.MethodsStudent mask policies for US states and the District of Columbia, as well as a sample of 56 districts were categorized as prohibited, recommended, or required in September 2021, November 2021, January 2022, and March 2022 based on the Johns Hopkins eSchool+ Initiative School Reopening Tracker. Changes in policies over time were characterized. Generalized estimating equations and logistic regression were used to evaluate whether political affiliation of governor, urbanicity, economic disadvantage, and race/ethnic composition of district students, and county-level COVID-19 incidence predicted the presence of a district mask mandate at any time point and at all four time points.ResultsState and district policies changed over time. Districts that implemented student mandates at any point were more likely to be in states with Democratic governors (AOR: 5.52; 95% CI: 2.23, 13.64) or in non-rural areas (AOR: 8.20; 95% CI: 2.63, 25.51). Districts that retained mask mandates at all four time points were more likely to have Democratic governors (AOR: 5.39; 95% CI: 2.69, 10.82) and serve a smaller proportion of economically disadvantaged students (AOR: 0.97; 95% CI: 0.95, 0.99). Districts serving a larger proportion of students from minoritized racial/ethnic groups were more likely to have mask mandates at any or all timepoints. Notably, county-level COVID-19 prevalence was not related to the presence of a mask mandate at any or all time points. By March 2022, no factors were significantly associated with district mask policy.DiscussionPolitical, geographic, and demographic characteristics predicted the likelihood of student mask mandates in the 2021–22 school year. Public health promotion messages and policy must account for variation in these factors, potentially through centralized and consistent messaging and unbiased, trustworthy communication

The societal benefits of reducing six behavioural risk factors: an economic modelling study from Australia

BackgroundA large proportion of disease burden is attributed to behavioural risk factors. However, funding for public health programs in Australia remains limited. Government and non-government organisations are interested in the productivity effects on society from reducing chronic diseases. We aimed to estimate the potential health status and economic benefits to society following a feasible reduction in the prevalence of six behavioural risk factors: tobacco smoking; inadequate fruit and vegetable consumption; high risk alcohol consumption; high body mass index; physical inactivity; and intimate partner violence.MethodsSimulation models were developed for the 2008 Australian population. A realistic reduction in current risk factor prevalence using best available evidence with expert consensus was determined. Avoidable disease, deaths, Disability Adjusted Life Years (DALYs) and health sector costs were estimated. Productivity gains included workforce (friction cost method), household production and leisure time. Multivariable uncertainty analyses and correction for the joint effects of risk factors on health status were undertaken. Consistent methods and data sources were used.ResultsOver the lifetime of the 2008 Australian adult population, total opportunity cost savings of AUD2,334 million (95% Uncertainty Interval AUD1,395 to AUD3,347; 64% in the health sector) were found if feasible reductions in the risk factors were achieved. There would be 95,000 fewer DALYs (a reduction of about 3.6% in total DALYs for Australia); 161,000 less new cases of disease; 6,000 fewer deaths; a reduction of 5 million days in workforce absenteeism; and 529,000 increased days of leisure time.ConclusionsReductions in common behavioural risk factors may provide substantial benefits to society. For example, the total potential annual cost savings in the health sector represent approximately 2% of total annual health expenditure in Australia. Our findings contribute important new knowledge about productivity effects, including the potential for increased household and leisure activities, associated with chronic disease prevention. The selection of targets for risk factor prevalence reduction is an important policy decision and a useful approach for future analyses. Similar approaches could be applied in other countries if the data are available.<br /

Affectus Hispaniae en la historiografía del Alto Imperio

This paper analyses texts written by Greek and Latin High Empire historians dealing with Hispania. Some of the authors have a very positive view (Florus, Iustinus, Appian) while others are clearly negative (Veleius Paterculus, Valerius Maximus) though most of them show little interest, indifference or variety of opinions. When there is interest in the region or praise, it is because the author comes from Hispania or he is trying to please an emperor born in Hispania, but it could also be due to a universal conception of history revealing a critical attitude towards Roman imperialism, as in Appian. The praise found in Iustinus’s epitome should be attributed to the author of the epitome rather than to Pompeius Trogus. This can be taken as evidence for situating Iustinus’s life and work in the 2nd century A.D. Loathing of Hispania seems to have its origins in conservative, ‘optimate’ nationalist circles, who perceive the province as the ‘popular’ region that acclaimed and welcomed ‘seditious’ individuals such as Tiberius Gracchus and Sertorius.Se estudian en este trabajo los textos de historiadores del Alto Imperio, latinos y griegos, que tratan sobre Hispania. En algunos autores encontramos una visión muy positiva (Floro, Justino, Apiano) y en otros claramente negativa (Veleyo Patérculo, Valerio Máximo), aunque en la mayoría de los casos hay escasa atención, indiferencia o diversidad de opiniones. El interés por la región y los elogios pueden estar motivados por el origen hispánico del autor o su voluntad de agradar a algún emperador oriundo de Hispania, pero también por una concepción universal de la historia que denota en ocasiones una posición crítica con el imperialismo romano, como es el caso de Apiano. La alabanza que hallamos en el epítome de Justino creemos que debe atribuirse más al epitomador que a Pompeyo Trogo, lo que apoyaría una datación temprana de la vida y la obra de Justino (s. II d.C.). La aversión hacia Hispania parece haber surgido en medios conservadores, “optimates” nacionalistas, que ven la provincia como el territorio “popular”, que encumbró y acogió a “sediciosos” como Tiberio Graco y Sertorio