Socio-Political Conflict and Economic Performance in Bolivia

We examine how socio-political conflict in Bolivia has affected its economic performance since the 1970s. Such conflict includes strikes, demonstrations, road blockades, and conventional rent-seeking. Since conflict has costs, it diverts resources away from production, tends to reduce investment and could therefore reduce economic growth. We first review the characteristics of conflict in Bolivia using a unique data set. We then provide estimates of the direct costs of conflict and examine the relationship with economic performance using hypotheses derived from a simple model. In particular, we make a distinction between economic growth that is due to external factors – like changes in income due to movements in the terms of trade – and economic growth that is due to productive investment. Growth due to external factors tends to be positively related to conflict, whereas growth due to productive investment should be negatively related to conflict. Finally, we discuss how levels of conflict, economic performance, and governance might be related in Bolivia’s recent history.economic growth, property rights, governance

Socio-Political Conflict and Eonomic Performance in Bolivia

We examine how socio-political conflict in Bolivia has affected its economic performance since the 1970s. Such conflict includes strikes, demonstrations, road blockades, and conventional rent-seeking. Since conflict has costs, it diverts resources away from production, tends to reduce investment and could therefore reduce economic growth. We first review the characteristics of conflict in Bolivia using a unique data set. We then provide estimates of the direct costs of conflict and examine the relationship with economic performance using hypotheses derived from a simple model. In particular, we make a distinction between economic growth that is due to external factors like changes in income due to movements in the terms of trade and economic growth that is due to productive investment. Growth due to external factors tends to be positively related to conflict, whereas growth due to productive investment should be negatively related to conflict. Finally, we discuss how levels of conflict, economic performance, and governance might be related in Bolivia’s recent history.Economic growth; Property rights; Governance

Thermodynamic Solution Properties of a Biodegradable Chelant (L-glutamic-N,N-diacetic Acid, L-GLDA) and Its Sequestering Ability toward Cd2+

The thermodynamics of the interaction of L-glutamic-N,N-diacetic acid (GLDA) with protons was studied potentiometrically at different temperatures, ionic strengths and ionic media. Four protonation constants and corresponding enthalpy changes occurred at infinite dilution together with temperature and ionic strength coefficients. The medium effect was also interpreted in terms of the formation of weak complexes between the ligand and the cations of supporting electrolytes, resulting in a greater tendency of GLDA to chemically interact with Na+ rather than K+ and, in turn, (CH3)4N+. Formation constants of GLDA with Cd2+ were determined in NaCl(aq) at different ionic strength values. Five complex species were found, namely CdL2−, CdHL−, CdH2L0(aq), Cd2L0(aq), and Cd(OH)L3−, whose formation constant values at infinite dilution were log β = 12.68, 17.61, 20.76, 17.52, and 1.77, respectively. All the species results were relevant in the pH range of natural waters, although the Cd2L0(aq) was observed only for CCd ≥ CGLDA and concentrations of >0.1 mmol dm−3. The sequestering ability of GLDA toward Cd2+, evaluated by means of pL0.5, was maximum at pH~10, whereas the presence of a chloride containing a supporting electrolyte exerted a negative effect. Among new generation biodegradable ligands, GLDA was the most efficient in Cd2+ sequestration.The authors C.B., P.C., A.I., G.L. and C.D.S. thank the University of Messina for the Research and Mobility 2017 Project (cod. 009041). Authors thank COST action CA18202—Network for Equilibria and Chemical Thermodynamics Advanced Research for the support to this study. O.G.-L. is grateful to the project IT-742-13 for Consolidated Research Groups, funded by the Basque Country Government, for her post-doctoral contract

SOCIO-POLITICAL CONFLICT AND ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE IN BOLIVIA*

ABSTRACT: We examine how socio-political conflict in Bolivia has affected its economic performance since the 1970s. Such conflict includes strikes, demonstrations, road blockades, and conventional rent-seeking. Since conflict has costs, it diverts resources away from production, tends to reduce investment and could therefore reduce economic growth. We first review the characteristics of conflict in Bolivia using a unique data set. We then provide estimates of the direct costs of conflict and examine the relationship with economic performance using hypotheses derived from a simple model. In particular, we make a distinction between economic growth that is due to external factors -like changes in income due to movements in the terms of trade -and economic growth that is due to productive investment. Growth due to external factors tends to be positively related to conflict, whereas growth due to productive investment should be negatively related to conflict. Finally, we discuss how levels of conflict, economic performance, and governance might be related in Bolivia's recent history. * We would like to thank participants at the conference on Bolivia, held the Kennedy School of Government in November 2006, for their comments, and especially Francisco Rodriguez for his detailed suggestions. For discussions and background information, we are also very grateful t

Bolivia and the paradoxes of democratic consolidation

In Bolivia from the 1990s on, two presidents were ousted by popular protests, and protests were rampant. The protests expressed a growing discontent not only with successive administrations and their policies but with politics itself. The polity failed to built trust in democracy, ignored or repressed protests, and thus contributed to a process of democratic "deconsolidation." The main factors were corruption and the reluctance of the traditional political parties to discuss the neoliberal economic model. As a result, the current administration of Evo Morales faces two challenges: to change economic policies and to repair the support for democracy

Los desafíos de Educación Preescolar, Básica y Media en América Latina

En la mayoría de los países estudiados se registran altas tasa de cobertura en la enseñanza básica y media, con tasas netas por sobre el 90% en el nivel básico y en torno al 75-80% en el nivel medio. Todos los países experimentan mejoras sustanciales en las tasas de acceso al nivel medio y preescolar, mientras que las tasas de acceso en el nivel básico se mantienen tan altas o incluso aumentan con respecto a sus niveles en la década del ’90. Subsisten déficits importantes a nivel de retención, en particular en el tránsito entre el nivel básico y medio, lo que es evidente por las altas brechas en las tasas de acceso netas que se registran entre estos dos niveles. Uno de los países con mejor cobertura, Uruguay, reporta que entre los jóvenes de entre 15-17 años, un 26% está atrasado en el sistema escolar, mientras que otro 22,8% abandona sus estudios. En varios de los capítulos (ver Chile, Argentina y Uruguay, por ejemplo) se nota una preocupación fuerte por los logros en aprendizajes y las altas brechas que existen entre estudiantes de alto y bajo nivel socioeconómico. En la mayoría de los países se destaca como una debilidad la decadencia del rol del docente tanto en la escuela, como su estatus en la sociedad. En varios de los países (Argentina, Chile, México, Venezuela, por ejemplo) ha habido un aumento sistemático en los recursos asignados a educación. En todos los países se pone en evidencia problemas asociados a la calidad de los docentes. Estos problemas están asociados a la misma formación de los docentes (tanto en lo que se refiere a planes de formación y perfiles de egreso, como al tipo de estudiante que opta por carreras pedagógicas), como también a la manera de organizar los recursos docentes y directivos hacia adentro de los establecimientos escolares

La economía de la coca en Bolivia: cinco preguntas y una duda

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El caudillismo fragmentado

In Evo Morales¿ government three tendencies co-exist: indigenism, Statism and populism, the three articulated on the basis of a common nationalist reference and the unifying leadership of the President. This article argues that, in the last resort, the populist orientation dominates. However, as it is a tendency with little political clarity, defined more by its style than its objectives, it has not proportioned the government a clearly-defined path. Nowadays, Evo Morales is submitted to contradictory pressures from sectors and social groups increasingly fragmented and dispersed, and runs the risk of recurring to his caudillo leadership potential, which would mean a fragile and questionably democratic governance.En el gobierno de Evo Morales conviven tres tendencias: el indigenismo, el estatismo y el populismo, articuladas por el nacionalismo como referencia común y por el liderazgo unificador del presidente. El artículo sostiene que, en última instancia, la orientación populista prevalece sobre las demás. Como se trata de una tendencia políticamente poco clara, que se define más por su método que por sus objetivos, no ha permitido que el gobierno consolide un rumbo definido. Hoy, Evo Morales se encuentra sometido a las presiones contradictorias de sectores y grupos sociales cada vez más fragmentados y dispersos, y corre el riesgo de buscar refugio afirmando su caudillismo, lo cual crearía una gobernabilidad frágil y poco democrática