14 research outputs found

    Generating demand for and use of evaluation evidence in government health ministries: Lessons from a pilot programme in Uganda and Zambia

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    Background The Demand-Driven Evaluations for Decisions (3DE) programme was piloted in Zambia and Uganda in 2012-2015. It aimed to answer evaluative questions raised by policymakers in Ministries of Health, rapidly and with limited resources. The aim of our evaluation was to assess whether the 3DE model was successful in supporting and increasing evidence-based policymaking, building capacity and changing behaviour of Ministry staff. Methods Using mixed methods, we compared the ex-ante theory of change with what had happened in practice, why and with what results (intended and unintended), including a qualitative assessment of 3DE's contribution. Data sources included a structured quality assessment of the five impact evaluations produced, 46 key informant interviews at national and international levels, structured extraction from 170 programme documents, a wider literature review of relevant topics, and a political economy analysis conducted in Zambia. Results We found that 3DE had a very limited contribution to changing evidence-based policymaking, capacity and behaviour in both countries as a result of having a number of aspirations not all compatible with one another. Co-developing evaluation questions was more time-consuming than anticipated, Ministry evidence needs did not fit neatly into questions suitable for impact evaluations and constricted timeframes for undertaking trials did not necessarily produce the most effective results and value for money. The evaluation recommended a focusing of objectives and a more strategic approach to strengthening evaluative demand and capacity. Conclusions Lessons emerge that are likely to apply in other low- and middle-income settings, such as the importance of supporting evaluative thinking and capacity within wider institutions, of understanding the political economy of evidence use and its uptake, and of allowing for some flexibility in terms of programme targets. Fixating on one type of evidence is unhelpful in the context of institutions like ministries of health, which require a wide range of evidence to plan and deliver programmes. In addition, having success tied to indicators, such as number of 'policy decisions made', provides potentially perverse incentives and neglects arguably more important aspects such as incremental programmatic adjustments and improved implementation.sch_iih15 [86]pub4897pu

    Differences in the functional brain architecture of sustained attention and working memory in youth and adults

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    Sustained attention (SA) and working memory (WM) are critical processes, but the brain networks supporting these abilities in development are unknown. We characterized the functional brain architecture of SA and WM in 9- to 11-year-old children and adults. First, we found that adult network predictors of SA generalized to predict individual differences and fluctuations in SA in youth. A WM model predicted WM performance both across and within children—and captured individual differences in later recognition memory—but underperformed in youth relative to adults. We next characterized functional connections differentially related to SA and WM in youth compared to adults. Results revealed 2 network configurations: a dominant architecture predicting performance in both age groups and a secondary architecture, more prominent for WM than SA, predicting performance in each age group differently. Thus, functional connectivity (FC) predicts SA and WM in youth, with networks predicting WM performance differing more between youths and adults than those predicting SA

    Semantic content outweighs low-level saliency in determining children's and adults' fixation of movies

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    To make sense of the visual world, we need to move our eyes to focus regions of interest on the high-resolution fovea. Eye movements, therefore, give us a way to infer mechanisms of visual processing and attention allocation. Here, we examined age-related differences in visual processing by recording eye movements from 37 children (aged 6–14 years) and 10 adults while viewing three 5-min dynamic video clips taken from child-friendly movies. The data were analyzed in two complementary ways: (a) gaze based and (b) content based. First, similarity of scanpaths within and across age groups was examined using three different measures of variance (dispersion, clusters, and distance from center). Second, content-based models of fixation were compared to determine which of these provided the best account of our dynamic data. We found that the variance in eye movements decreased as a function of age, suggesting common attentional orienting. Comparison of the different models revealed that a model that relies on faces generally performed better than the other models tested, even for the youngest age group (<10 years). However, the best predictor of a given participant’s eye movements was the average of all other participants’ eye movements both within the same age group and in different age groups. These findings have implications for understanding how children attend to visual information and highlight similarities in viewing strategies across development

    Generating demand for and use of evaluation evidence in government health ministries: lessons from a pilot programme in Uganda and Zambia

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    Abstract Background The Demand-Driven Evaluations for Decisions (3DE) programme was piloted in Zambia and Uganda in 2012–2015. It aimed to answer evaluative questions raised by policymakers in Ministries of Health, rapidly and with limited resources. The aim of our evaluation was to assess whether the 3DE model was successful in supporting and increasing evidence-based policymaking, building capacity and changing behaviour of Ministry staff. Methods Using mixed methods, we compared the ex-ante theory of change with what had happened in practice, why and with what results (intended and unintended), including a qualitative assessment of 3DE’s contribution. Data sources included a structured quality assessment of the five impact evaluations produced, 46 key informant interviews at national and international levels, structured extraction from 170 programme documents, a wider literature review of relevant topics, and a political economy analysis conducted in Zambia. Results We found that 3DE had a very limited contribution to changing evidence-based policymaking, capacity and behaviour in both countries as a result of having a number of aspirations not all compatible with one another. Co-developing evaluation questions was more time-consuming than anticipated, Ministry evidence needs did not fit neatly into questions suitable for impact evaluations and constricted timeframes for undertaking trials did not necessarily produce the most effective results and value for money. The evaluation recommended a focusing of objectives and a more strategic approach to strengthening evaluative demand and capacity. Conclusions Lessons emerge that are likely to apply in other low- and middle-income settings, such as the importance of supporting evaluative thinking and capacity within wider institutions, of understanding the political economy of evidence use and its uptake, and of allowing for some flexibility in terms of programme targets. Fixating on one type of evidence is unhelpful in the context of institutions like ministries of health, which require a wide range of evidence to plan and deliver programmes. In addition, having success tied to indicators, such as number of ‘policy decisions made’, provides potentially perverse incentives and neglects arguably more important aspects such as incremental programmatic adjustments and improved implementation
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