An EEG–MEG Dissociation between Online Syntactic Comprehension and Post Hoc Reanalysis

Successful comprehension of syntactically complex sentences depends on online language comprehension mechanisms as well as reanalysis in working memory. To differentiate the neural substrates of these processes, we recorded electroencephalography and magnetoencephalography (MEG) during sentence-picture-matching in healthy subjects, assessing the effects of two difficulty factors: syntactic complexity (object-embedded vs. subject-embedded relative clauses) and semantic reversibility on neuronal oscillations during sentence presentation, and during a subsequent memory delay prior to picture onset. Synthetic Aperture magnetometry analysis of MEG showed that semantic reversibility induced left lateralized perisylvian power decreases in a broad frequency range, approximately 8–30 Hz. This effect followed the relative clause presentation and persisted throughout the remainder of the sentence and the subsequent memory delay period, shifting to a more frontal distribution during the delay. In contrast, syntactic complexity induced enhanced power decreases only during the delay period, in bilateral frontal and anterior temporal regions. These results indicate that detailed syntactic parsing of auditory language input may be augmented in the absence of alternative cues for thematic role assignment, as reflected by selective perisylvian engagement for reversible sentences, compared with irreversible sentences in which world knowledge constrains possible thematic roles. Furthermore, comprehension of complex syntax appears to depend on post hoc reanalysis in working memory implemented by frontal regions in both hemispheres

Neural Aspects of Sentence Comprehension: Syntactic Complexity, Reversibility, and Reanalysis

Broca's area is preferentially activated by reversible sentences with complex syntax, but various linguistic factors may be responsible for this finding, including syntactic movement, working-memory demands, and post hoc reanalysis. To distinguish between these, we tested the interaction of syntactic complexity and semantic reversibility in a functional magnetic resonance imaging study of sentence–picture matching. During auditory comprehension, semantic reversibility induced selective activation throughout the left perisylvian language network. In contrast, syntactic complexity (object-embedded vs. subject-embedded relative clauses) within reversible sentences engaged only the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) and left precentral gyrus. Within irreversible sentences, only the LIFG was sensitive to syntactic complexity, confirming a unique role for this region in syntactic processing. Nonetheless, larger effects of reversibility itself occurred in the same regions, suggesting that full syntactic parsing may be a nonautomatic process applied as needed. Complex reversible sentences also induced enhanced signals in LIFG and left precentral regions on subsequent picture selection, but with additional recruitment of the right hemisphere homolog area (right inferior frontal gyrus) as well, suggesting that post hoc reanalysis of sentence structure, compared with initial comprehension, engages an overlapping but larger network of brain regions. These dissociable effects may offer a basis for studying the reorganization of receptive language function after brain damage

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