The media. Between the public remit and protecting interests

Prasa nie kryje ambicji zajmowania znaczącej pozycji w polityce, kreując się na IV władzę. Jest to roszczenie, któremu służą zabiegi o charakterze socjotechnicznym, marketingowym, PR-owskim. Mają na celu szczególne wyeksponowanie pozycji mediów w przestrzeni społecznej. Prasa nie waha się przed wkraczaniem na obszar, który jest domeną grup interesu. „Rzeczypospolita” i „Gazeta Wyborcza” podjęły różnorodne przedsięwzięcia, by chronić swą (wydawcy) pozycję na rynku, w czym posługiwały się narzędziami typowymi dla rzecznictwa interesów. W zależności od rozwoju sytuacji, stosowały perswazję, wykorzystywały relacje towarzyskie, starały się wywrzeć wpływ na proces decyzyjny, ponadto dla wzmocnienia presji tworzyły koalicje. Do realizacji swych partykularnych interesów angażowały opinię i instytucje międzynarodowe, ukazując intencje i działania władz państwowych w negatywnym, odbiegającym od rzeczywistości świetle. Nie stroniły od manipulacji, gróźb i szantażu, przechodząc wreszcie do jawnej konfrontacji. Ta strona funkcjonowania mediów jest zwykle niedostrzegana. Badacze koncentrują się głównie na kulturowych funkcjach prasy, a także roli aktora politycznego lokowanego w IV władzy. Poddane analizie przypadki są próbą wypełnienia luki w literaturze naukowej.The printed press has the overt ambition to occupy a significant position in politics, making itself the fourth estate. This ambition is served by tools of social engineering, marketing, and PR. Their purpose is to make the position of the media particularly prominent in the social sphere. The press does not hesitate to enter the domain of various groups’ interests. The „Rzeczpospolita” and „Gazeta Wyborcza” dailies have undertaken a variety of projects to protect their (publisher’s) position on the market, resorting to tools that are typical of the protection o f interests. Depending on the situation, they have applied persuasion, used social relations, sought to influence decision-making processes, and formed coalitions to strengthen the pressure they can apply. To accomplish their particular interests they have involved public opinion and intemational bodies, presenting the intentions and actions of State authorities in a negative light, different from the actual picture. They have not shunned manipulation, threats and even blackmail, ultimately resorting to open confrontation. This aspect of media functioning usually goes unnoticed. Researchers have mainly focused on the cultural functions of the press, as well as the role of a political actor vested in the fourth estate. The cases analyzed in this paper are an attempt to fili a gap in the academic literature

Politologii polskiej meandry

The paper contains the author’s attempt to review the history of Polish political science from World War II to the present day, its condition and characteristics. The progress political science has made in Poland has been crowned by its achieving the status of a rightful science, recognized by the representatives of numerous renowned fields of study. However, the factors that have contributed to the present status quo have also been administrative, even political. Yet these have neither determined the place of political science nor are they decisive in terms of its status in academia now. The stage of demonstrating its scientific status is already behind political science which, firstly, has demonstrated a clearly defined range of research issues, secondly, has undertaken significant research and arrived at valuable conclusions, and thirdly, has attracted competent, increasingly more versatile and thoroughly educated professionals. At present, political science is facing the challenges reminiscent of those faced by the remaining social sciences. In these terms, political science has not reached the limits of its transformation or capacity

The dilemmas of the Eastern Policy of the Republic of Poland. From dynamic equilibrium to imbalance

O ile poddać analizie sposób układania przez Polskę stosunków z sąsiadami w regionie, nasuwa się wniosek, iż pozostaje on pod presją syndromów, z którymi zdołały sobie poradzić – bądź odrzucić – kraje Europy. Nadal tedy pozostaje znalezienie się (ugruntowanie) w strefie bezpieczeństwa gwarantowanego integracją z Zachodem, ale równocześnie racjonalne i pragmatyczne ułożenie poprawnych (niekonfliktowych) stosunków ze Wschodem – Rosją, Ukrainą, Białorusią, krajami nadbałtyckimi, osobliwie Litwą. Oznacza to zdolność do racjonalnego i realnego pojmowania interesów narodowych, tj. racji stanu w konkretnych warunkach geopolitycznych – konkurencji, uzyskiwania przewagi bądź zawierania sojuszy czy kompromisów, dokonywania długofalowych wyborów.In analysing the mode in which Poland settled its relations with Russia, the conclusion comes to mind that Poland remains under the spell of the syndromes which were either disposed of, or dealt with by other European nations. The challenge to solidify Poland’s position within the safety zone that is vouched by the West, while establishing pragmatic, rational and conflict free relationships with the East – Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltic countries, and particularly Latvia, remains. Thus, the ability to comprehend Polish national interests, or raison d’état, is required, taking into account realistic and rational arguments and the limits of the existing geopolitical situation where competition plays a substantial part. Poland should also take a long-term view securing its competitive advantages, entering into alliances and making compromises

On the patterns of discussing the immediate and distant past. The realm of methodological reflections on history and political theory

The author considers the manners of discussing the past that result from an analysis of recent publications, celebrations of anniversaries, or conferences, which concern the prerequisites and uniqueness of the political transformation started in 1989. They very frequently bridge the time between the interwar period and the time following the ‘round table,’ implying an ideological and political connection between them, while bypassing the period of the Polish People’s Republic. The perception of the past in this particular manner converges with the ideological and political trends dominating in recent Polish politics. They are exemplified by the following:1. Glorification of the interwar period. This trend officially emerged in 1989 accompanying the political transformations and has since intensified and weakened alternately. On the one hand, it is a manifestation of a kind of schizophrenia, on the other, it signifies a conscious resorting to myths, as well as the manipulation of the past;2. Disparagement of the period of the Polish People’s Republic, mixing the truth with half-truths and falsehoods. This is done for the benefit of uneducated recipients, whereas among the intelligentsia stereotypes of totalitarianism, communism, and post-communism prevail;3. Contrasting the period after 1989 with the period of the Polish People’s Republic. As was the case in the ancien régime, there prevails a tendency to disrupt developmental continuity. The Polish People’s Republic is a ‘black hole’ in Polish history. Secondly, in contrast to the historical truth, the 1989 breakthrough appears as an event in which the ancien régime had a minute or no contribution whatsoever; alternatively this is presented as a factor that delayed the ‘true’ overthrow. This manipulation falls inside the scope of activities of the ‘Ministry of Truth’ from Orwell’s 1984. General conclusions. There is a lack of reflection, which remains in contrast to the requirements of objective description and the analysis of political phenomena and processes, an insufficient knowledge of political doctrines, a cognitive laziness, conformism and Fabianism, an intellectual avoidance of more profound analysis, a succumbing to the power of ‘political correctness,’ and a ‘herd instinct’ which epitomizes approaches to discussing both the immediate and distant past referred to in the paper.The author considers the manners of discussing the past that result from an analysis of recent publications, celebrations of anniversaries, or conferences, which concern the prerequisites and uniqueness of the political transformation started in 1989. They very frequently bridge the time between the interwar period and the time following the ‘round table,’ implying an ideological and political connection between them, while bypassing the period of the Polish People’s Republic. The perception of the past in this particular manner converges with the ideological and political trends dominating in recent Polish politics. They are exemplified by the following:1. Glorification of the interwar period. This trend officially emerged in 1989 accompanying the political transformations and has since intensified and weakened alternately. On the one hand, it is a manifestation of a kind of schizophrenia, on the other, it signifies a conscious resorting to myths, as well as the manipulation of the past;2. Disparagement of the period of the Polish People’s Republic, mixing the truth with half-truths and falsehoods. This is done for the benefit of uneducated recipients, whereas among the intelligentsia stereotypes of totalitarianism, communism, and post-communism prevail;3. Contrasting the period after 1989 with the period of the Polish People’s Republic. As was the case in the ancien régime, there prevails a tendency to disrupt developmental continuity. The Polish People’s Republic is a ‘black hole’ in Polish history. Secondly, in contrast to the historical truth, the 1989 breakthrough appears as an event in which the ancien régime had a minute or no contribution whatsoever; alternatively this is presented as a factor that delayed the ‘true’ overthrow. This manipulation falls inside the scope of activities of the ‘Ministry of Truth’ from Orwell’s 1984. General conclusions. There is a lack of reflection, which remains in contrast to the requirements of objective description and the analysis of political phenomena and processes, an insufficient knowledge of political doctrines, a cognitive laziness, conformism and Fabianism, an intellectual avoidance of more profound analysis, a succumbing to the power of ‘political correctness,’ and a ‘herd instinct’ which epitomizes approaches to discussing both the immediate and distant past referred to in the paper

Polska wobec kulturowych dylematów i wyzwań „europejskości”

The paper touches upon the issue of the cultural challenges which Poland and the Poles have faced since 1989, in the context of Poland’s integration with Western Europe, which commenced then. The starting point of the analysis is the typology of political cultures of Almond, Verba and Powell. The paper mainly focuses on the manner in which politics is exercised and on Poland’s foreign policy. In the conclusion it attempts to answer the question of whether Poles are culturally close to, or far away from Europe. The complexity of the issue, however, leads to the conclusion that despite the numerous examples the paper refers to, it is exceptionally difficult to answer this question unequivocally.The paper touches upon the issue of the cultural challenges which Poland and the Poles have faced since 1989, in the context of Poland’s integration with Western Europe, which commenced then. The starting point of the analysis is the typology of political cultures of Almond, Verba and Powell. The paper mainly focuses on the manner in which politics is exercised and on Poland’s foreign policy. In the conclusion it attempts to answer the question of whether Poles are culturally close to, or far away from Europe. The complexity of the issue, however, leads to the conclusion that despite the numerous examples the paper refers to, it is exceptionally difficult to answer this question unequivocally

Ryszard Skarzyński, Podstawowy dylemat politologii: Dyscyplina nauki czy potoczna wiedza o społeczeństwie? O tradycji uniwersytetu i demarkacji wiedzy, Temida2, Białystok 2012, ss. 354.

abstrak

Politologii polskiej meandry

The paper contains the author’s attempt to review the history of Polish political science from World War II to the present day, its condition and characteristics. The progress political science has made in Poland has been crowned by its achieving the status of a rightful science, recognized by the representatives of numerous renowned fields of study. However, the factors that have contributed to the present status quo have also been administrative, even political. Yet these have neither determined the place of political science nor are they decisive in terms of its status in academia now. The stage of demonstrating its scientific status is already behind political science which, firstly, has demonstrated a clearly defined range of research issues, secondly, has undertaken significant research and arrived at valuable conclusions, and thirdly, has attracted competent, increasingly more versatile and thoroughly educated professionals. At present, political science is facing the challenges reminiscent of those faced by the remaining social sciences. In these terms, political science has not reached the limits of its transformation or capacity

On the patterns of discussing the immediate and distant past. The realm of methodological reflections on history and political theory

The author considers the manners of discussing the past that result from an analysis of recent publications, celebrations of anniversaries, or conferences, which concern the prerequisites and uniqueness of the political transformation started in 1989. They very frequently bridge the time between the interwar period and the time following the ‘round table,’ implying an ideological and political connection between them, while bypassing the period of the Polish People’s Republic. The perception of the past in this particular manner converges with the ideological and political trends dominating in recent Polish politics. They are exemplified by the following:1. Glorification of the interwar period. This trend officially emerged in 1989 accompanying the political transformations and has since intensified and weakened alternately. On the one hand, it is a manifestation of a kind of schizophrenia, on the other, it signifies a conscious resorting to myths, as well as the manipulation of the past; 2. Disparagement of the period of the Polish People’s Republic, mixing the truth with half-truths and falsehoods. This is done for the benefit of uneducated recipients, whereas among the intelligentsia stereotypes of totalitarianism, communism, and post-communism prevail; 3. Contrasting the period after 1989 with the period of the Polish People’s Republic. As was the case in the ancien régime, there prevails a tendency to disrupt developmental continuity. The Polish People’s Republic is a ‘black hole’ in Polish history. Secondly, in contrast to the historical truth, the 1989 breakthrough appears as an event in which the ancien régime had a minute or no contribution whatsoever; alternatively this is presented as a factor that delayed the ‘true’ overthrow. This manipulation falls inside the scope of activities of the ‘Ministry of Truth’ from Orwell’s 1984. General conclusions. There is a lack of reflection, which remains in contrast to the requirements of objective description and the analysis of political phenomena and processes, an insufficient knowledge of political doctrines, a cognitive laziness, conformism and Fabianism, an intellectual avoidance of more profound analysis, a succumbing to the power of ‘political correctness,’ and a ‘herd instinct’ which epitomizes approaches to discussing both the immediate and distant past referred to in the paper

Poland in the Face of Culfural Dilemmas to and Challenges to its ,,Europeaness''

The paper touches upon the issue of the cultural challenges which Poland and the Poles have faced since 1989, in the context of Poland’s integration with Western Europe, which commenced then. The starting point of the analysis is the typology of political cultures of Almond, Verba and Powell. The paper mainly focuses on the manner in which politics is exercised and on Poland’s foreign policy. In the conclusion it attempts to answer the question of whether Poles are culturally close to, or far away from Europe. The complexity of the issue, however, leads to the conclusion that despite the numerous examples the paper refers to, it is exceptionally difficult to answer this question unequivocall

Polityka wschodnia RP. Uwarunkowania i efekty

In analyzing the mode in which Poland was settling its relations with Russia a deduction comes to mind that Poland remains under the spell of the syndromes which were either disposed of or dealt with by other European nations. Remaining is the challenge to solidify Poland’s position within the safety vault of heaven that is vouched by the West while establishing a pragmatic and rational and conflict free relationships with the East-Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltic countries, particularly Latvia. Thus, required is the ability to comprehend the Polish national interests, that is the Polish raison d’état, in a realistic and rational manner within the limits of the existing geopolitical situation of the competition, securing sustained competitive advantages, entering into alliances or compromises and making a long-term option.Если подвергнуть анализу то, каким образом Польша строит свои отношения с соседями в регионе, напрашивается вывод, что их характер определяется давлением синдромов, с которыми смогли справиться – либо отказаться от них – страны Европы. Поэтому ей по-прежнему ничего иного не остается, как находиться в зоне безопасности, гарантированной интеграцией с Западом, но в то же время рационально и прагматично строить правильные (неконфликтные) отношения с Востоком – Россией, Украиной, Белоруссией, странами Балтии, особенно с Литвой. Это означает спо собность к рациональному и реальному пониманию национальных интересов, т. е. государственных интересов в конкретных геополитических условиях – конкуренции, обретения преимуществ или заключения союзов, достижения компромиссов, совершения долгосрочного выбора в различных областях