Creating Peace through Peace Journalism as an Alternative News Framing

People often read about news on war or conflict from newspaper. Effect of reading the news often causes a negative effect rather than empathy or sympathy, such as hatred or anger. This effect could lead to revenge or other reactive action which harm other people. Actually, this effect could come up different if the news was framing with alternative news framing. This paper offers alternate news framing for journalist to report news on war or conflict in order to reducing the negative effect and also prevent causing negative effect. Discussion in this paper starts with how mass media can influence and create people’s opinion on many things that happened surround them. Opinions which shaped by printing media are based on how journalist framing the news. One event could be framed differently based on how journalist emphasizes the event and angle of writing the news. Peace Journalism as alternate framing is written in this paper as choice for journalist in order to contribute to create peace in the community. Some news regarding conflict in Indonesia will be analyzed with framing analysis to show how framing news is important to reduce negative effect. In addition, this paper will discuss about the important role of journalist as peace maker. As Maria Hartiningsih, one of senior journalists from Kompas Newspaper said that “every journalist has to contribute peace and justice when they report an event (2001)s. This opinion was also shared by Johan Galtung, Norwegian professor of peace studies. In his opinion, journalist would be more productive if reporters report from the positive or solution point of view rather than focusing on violence (1998). Therefore, this paper will argue that peace journalism is the alternate news framing for journalist in order to take part in creating peace

‘Ways of death: accounts of terror from Angolan refugees in Namibia’

In their accounts of the war in Angola, refugees from south-eastern Angola who now live in Rundu (Namibia) draw a distinction between warfare in the past and the events that happened in their region of origin after Angolan independence in 1975. Although they process their experiences through recounting history, these refugees maintain that the incidence of torture, mutilation and massive killing after 1975 has no precedent in the area's history and forms an entirely new development. This article investigates the reasons for this posited modernity of killing, torture and mutilation. The placement of the recent events outside local history is shown to represent: an expression of outrage, anger and indignation at the army's treatment of the civilian population during the recent phase of the war. The outrage not only concerns the scale of the killing, torture and mutilation but is also linked with the issue of agency. The informants accuse UNITA army leaders in particular of wanton disregard for the lives and livelihood of their followers. They furthermore maintain that UNITA ordered ordinary soldiers to take part in killings which released powers the soldiers were unable to handle

Literature Review of the Definition, Size and Turnover of the Creative Industries and Micro-Businesses in Scotland: Preliminary Research

This research seeks to review, evaluate and clarify the findings of five recent reports in relation to the discussion paper Creative Industries in Scotland. Micro-businesses, Access to Finance and the Public Purse by Bob Last for the Cultural Enterprise Office

'The time of the leaflet': pamphlets and political communication in the UPA (Northern Angola, around 1961)

In March 1961, war broke out in Northern Angola. The Portuguese authorities attributed the violence to the UPA - a nationalist movement led by Northern Angolan immigrants resident in Congo. The movement's leadership tried to keep in contact with its (potential) followers in Northern Angola by various means, pamphlets being one of the most important. Written for a local audience, these pamphlets provide an insight into the inner lines of communication - and internal hierarchies - of the nationalist movement. By using Darnton's communication circuit' model, this article investigates the processes of writing, distributing and reading the pamphlets and analyses their generic characteristics, and their position in a tradition of regional popular literacy. In so doing, an interpretation is offered of the social history of the pamphlets: they are treated as a historical subject in their own right. While they can be read as anti-colonial tracts, it is shown that the pamphlets' main concern is to establish the mandate of a leadership in exile over a constituency in Northern Angola. RESUME En mars 1961, la guerre eclata dans le Nord de l'Angola. Les autorites portugaises attribuerent les violences a l'UPA, un mouvement nationaliste dirige par des immigres du Nord de l'Angola residant au Congo. Desireux de rester en contact avec leurs sympathisants (potentiels) dans le Nord de l'Angola, les dirigeants du mouvement utiliserent divers moyens pour ce faire, le plus important etant le pamphlet. Rediges a l'intention d'un public local, ces pamphlets apportent un eclairage sur les voies de communication (et les hierarchies) existant a l'interieur du mouvement nationaliste. En utilisant le modele du > de Darnton, cet article examine les processus de redaction, de distribution et de lecture des pamphlets, et analyse leurs caracteristiques generiques et leur place dans une tradition de litterature populaire regionale. Ce faisant, il offre une interpretation de l'histoire sociale des pamphlets : ils sont traites comme un objet historique en eux-memes. On peut certes les lire comme des tracts anti-coloniaux, mais l'article montre que la principale preoccupation des pamphlets est d'etablir le mandat de dirigeants en exil sur un groupe situe dans le Nord de l'Angola

Customized Employment Q and A

[Excerpt] Customized Employment is a process for individualizing the employment relationship between a job seeker or an employee and an employer in ways that meet the needs of both. It is based on a match between the unique strengths, needs, and interests of the job candidate with a disability, and the identified business needs of the employer or the self-employment business chosen by the candidate. This is a business deal

‘Facultative’ and ‘Functional Mixity’ in light of the Principle of Partial and Imperfect Conferral. College of Europe Research Paper in Law 03/2019

The concept of ‘facultative mixity’ as first coined by Allan Rosas3 has sparked a much heated debate.4 Is it a matter of political expediency in the EU Council to decide on the mixed nature, or not, of a given agreement in so far as it falls within shared competence of the EU and its Member States? Considered as such, this concept is offset against ‘obligatory’ or ‘compulsory mixity’ which would then arise only where the Member States retain an exclusive competence for part of the agreement. It is apparent that the concepts of facultative and obligatory mixity so understood both rest on the premise that the mixed nature of an agreement is to be determined solely on the basis of the division of competence under the EU Treaties. The crucial exercise then lies in the correct appraisal of the ‘partial nature’ of the conferral of competence under the EU Treaties which, of itself, may prove to be a difficult exercise not least in a post- Lisbon setting.

Negotiating belonging and place: an exploration of mestiza women’s everyday resistance in Cajamarca, Peru.

Since 1993, the Cajamarca region of Peru has been home to the Yanacocha gold mine, associated with environmental degradation, negative health impacts, and socio-economic consequences. In 2012, large-scale protests broke out across the region over the newly proposed Conga mine. Increasingly, scholarship is devoted to recognizing socio-environmental struggles outside of mass-mobilization and public protests; at the local, household and everyday level, often performed over much longer timescales. In this context, I critically explore the everyday resistance of mestiza-identifying women in Cajamarca city. Through a discussion of how their on-going resistance critically constructs who/what belongs in place, and who/what is ‘other’/‘stranger’, I analyse how they mobilise gendered local values and knowledge to continue opposing large-scale mining in the aftermath of the Conga conflict