Schuleintritt und Schulleistungen im mittleren Primarschulalter

Der vorliegende Beitrag geht der Frage nach, ob sich die Transitionsqualität des Schuleintritts, im Sinne einer erfolgreichen übernahme der Schülerrolle, auf die Schulleistungen im mittleren Primarschulalter auswirkt. Aus lebenslauftheoretischer Sicht stellt der Schuleintritt eine institutionalisierte Statuspassage dar, die Erstklässerinnen und Erstklässler mit der Aufgabe konfrontiert, die im schulischen Kontext institutionalisierten Erwartungen an das Lern-, Arbeits- und Sozialverhalten zu erfüllen. Die Ergebnisse basieren auf den Daten des Schweizerischen Kinder- und Jugendsurvey COCON. Sie zeigen, dass eine hohe Transitionsqualität einen eigenständigen positiven Einfluss auf die Schulleistungen im mittleren Primarschulalter ausübt – auch wenn die soziale Herkunft und die kindlich

Troubling stories of the end of occupy : feminist narratives of betrayal at occupy Glasgow

This article offers a feminist take on the question of why Occupy camps closed down, in the form of a narrative analysis of interviews from participants in Occupy Glasgow. In response to the emergence of an activist discourse emphasising the role of external forces in camp closure and the existence of a longer-term legacy in terms of individual and community politicisation, I build here on feminist interventions that point instead to serious internal problems within the camps and thus to a more limited legacy. Interrogating the plotting, characterisation and denouement of interviewee narratives, I show that feminist participants in Occupy Glasgow characterise the trajectory of the camp as a tragedy, attribute responsibility for the camp’s demise to co-campers and sometimes to themselves, and present the outcome of Occupy Glasgow as limited, and in some cases even traumatic. This raises serious questions about the culmination and outcomes of Occupy in Glasgow and more generally, and indicates the extent of the hard work remaining if future mobilisation against neoliberal austerity is to be more inclusive and sustainable. The article closes by considering the theoretical implications for the wider question of why movements come to an end

Civil Society Activism in Italy Across Different Fields: A Multifaceted Picture of Solidarity in Hard Times

Over the last years, Italian civil society organisations have been working on a daily basis to mitigate the impact of both the global economic crisis and the refugee crisis, which have increased social vulnerabilities. Relying on the data gathered through 30 in-depth interviews with transnational solidarity organisations’ representatives, this chapter analyses solidarity practices in three fields of activity: disability, unemployment and migration. Results show that solidarity attitudes, practices and discourses are strongly influenced by the policy domain in which the organisations are active. Furthermore, the crisis led organisations to search for new strategies and approaches, even though it has been an ineffective vector of transnationalisation due to lack of resources, and the necessity to cope with pressing needs at national and local level/s.Results presented in book have been obtained through the project ‘European paths to transnational solidarity at times of crisis: Conditions, forms, role-models and policy responses’ (TransSOL). This project was funded by the European Commission under the Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement No. 649435)

Oh, Jeremy Corbyn! Why did Labour Party membership soar after the 2015 general election?

This article investigates the remarkable surge in individual membership of the Labour Party after the general election of May 2015, particularly after Jeremy Corbyn was officially nominated as a candidate for the leadership in June of that year. Using both British Election Study and Party Members Project data, we explain the surge by focussing on the attitudinal, ideological and demographic characteristics of the members themselves. Findings suggest that, along with support for the leader and yearning for a new style of politics, feelings of relative deprivation played a significant part: many ‘left-behind’ voters (some well-educated, some less so) joined Labour for the first time when a candidate with a clearly radical profile appeared on the leadership ballot. Anti-capitalist and left-wing values mattered too, particularly for those former members who decided to return to the party

Understanding governmental activism

This article seeks to understand an understudied phenomenon: governmental players joining forces with non-governmental players in contentious actions against policies they want to prevent or redress. This behaviour, which we call ‘governmental activism’, problematizes important assumptions in the social movement literature on state–SMO dichotomies and on seeing ‘the state’ as a homogeneous and unified actor that solely provides the context for SMO activities. Governmental activism also problematizes assumptions on cooperation and ‘new’ modes of coordination in the governance literature. To understand governmental activism, we build on the strategic interaction perspective from social movement studies and on third-phase institutionalism from political science. In our analysis, we show the particulars of governmental activism. Our arguments are illustrated by empirical material on a case of municipal amalgamation in the Netherlands

Nuclear energy in the public sphere: Anti-nuclear movements vs. industrial lobbies in Spain (1962-1979)

The final publication is available at Springer via http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11024-014-9263-0This article examines the role of the Spanish Atomic Forum as the representative of the nuclear sector in the public arena during the golden years of the nuclear power industry from the 1960s to 1970s. It focuses on the public image concerns of the Spanish nuclear lobby and the subsequent information campaigns launched during the late 1970s to counteract demonstrations by the growing and heterogeneous anti-nuclear movement. The role of advocacy of nuclear energy by the Atomic Forum was similar to that in other countries, but the situation in Spain had some distinguishing features. Anti-nuclear protest in Spain peaked in 1978 paralleling the debates of a new National Energy Plan in Congress, whose first draft had envisaged a massive nuclearization of the country. We show how the approval of the Plan in July 1979, with a significant reduction in the nuclear energy component, was influenced by the anti-nuclear protest movements in Spain. Despite the efforts of the Spanish Atomic Forum to counter its message, the anti-nuclear movement was strengthened by reactions to the Three Mile Island accident in March 1979

What is the 'dominant model' of British policymaking? Comparing majoritarian and policy community ideas

The aim of this article is to help identify the fundamental characteristics of the British policymaking system. It highlights an enduring conflict of interpretation within the literature. On the one hand, most contemporary analysts argue that the ‘Westminster model' is outmoded and that it has been replaced by modern understandings based on ‘governance'. On the other, key ideas associated with the Westminster model, regarding majoritarian government and policy imposition, are still in good currency in the academic literature, which holds firm to Lijphart's description of the United Kingdom as a majoritarian democracy. These very different understandings of British government are both commonly cited, but without much recognition that their conclusions may be mutually incompatible. To address this lack of comparison of competing narratives, the article outlines two main approaches to describe and explain the ‘characteristic and durable' ways of doing things in Britain: the ‘policy styles' literature initiated by Richardson in Policy Styles in Western Europe and the Lijphart account found in Democracies and revised in 1999 as Patterns of Democracy. The article encourages scholars to reject an appealing compromise between majoritarian and governance accounts

'Another World is Possible': A Study of Participants at Australian Alter-Globalisation Social Forums

The past decade has seen the emergence of a mass 'alter-globalisation' movement in many regions of the world. One element in this movement has been the World Social Forum and its continental, regional, national and local spin-offs. In the first half of this article, I provide a critical analysis of the social forum experience, particularly the World Social Forum, and outline both those aspects of the experience that are commonly agreed as successes as well as those that are frequently held to be their failings or limitations. In the second half of the article, I report on a survey of the participants at two Australian social forums in 2004 which details their backgrounds, motivations, attitudes, experience, and ambitions. Comparison is made with their closest parallels - the activists from the new social movements of the 1970s and 1980s previously examined by Offe, Touraine, Melucci and others