Opportunities for private sector participation in agricultural water development and management

Irrigation management / Private sector / Public sector / Public policy / Private investment / Participatory management / Privatization / Financing / Farmers / Households / Water harvesting / Africa South of Sahara

Analysis of problem-based learning strategies represented by Sherlock Holmes (the main character of novels and short stories by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)

This thesis presents the result of descriptive study of Problem-Based Learning strategies found in the character of Sherlock Holmes, the main character of novels and short stories by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. In obtaining data, the researcher collected various quotations throughout the novels and short stories. After analyzing the data, there were found several kinds of code switching in the classroom such as inter-sentential switching, intra-sentential switching and tag switching. Intra-sentential switching was the most-performed type in the code switching use in the classroom. In performing code switching, both the teacher and the students switch between English language, Bahasa Indonesia and sometimes Javanese language as well. In analyzing the code switching factors, the researcher found 7 factors of why code switching was used in the classroom, they are quotations, addressee specification, repetition, interjection, message qualification, personalization and objectivization as well as facility of expression. However, code switching phenomenon is common in EFL classroom even in international standard school. therefore, solutions were offered for the teachers to eliminate the use of code switching. Suggestions have also been investigated to deal with the problems. Finally, this study is expected to be beneficial to English Language Teacher, Students, and future researcher who expects to conduct the similar study. Since Interanational Standard School has been terminated, this study will give descriptionsof the language use in international standard school. This makes sense since this study will give contributions to the development of English Language use in the classroom in the future. Keywords: Problem-Based Learning, Problem Solving, EFL Classroom

TOWARDS A RELIGIOUSLY HYBRID IDENTITY? The Changing Face of Javanese Islam

This article seeks to revisit the discussion of Javanese Islam from an alternative point of view. It argues that the presentation of Javanese Islam in the previous studies is no longer adequate to accommodate the most current transformation of Javanese Islam. The identity of Javanese Islam can neither be seen from syncretic point of view nor normative perspective per se, since the identity of Javanese Islam has transformed itself into something different from the past. Becoming an abangan or santri in the post-Geertz era, represents the making of a religiously hybrid identity. In the context of Geertz, to become an abangan means he/she cannot become a santri at once. At that time, a pure and puritan abangan, was hardly a practicing Muslim, but nominal Muslim. Becoming a santri, on the other hand, had to be done by disentangling any type of identity in kejawen sense. Javanese Islam has to do with whatever-you-like mentality that forms a hybrid identity among the Javanese Muslims

PELANGGARAN DAN PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM TENAGA KERJA PEREMPUAN DI KABUPATEN MALANG.

Jumlah TKI yang mengalami masalah secara kuantitas dan kua/itas meningkat seiring dengan meningkatnya jumlah tenaga kerja yang bekerja di luar negeri. Bentuk pelanggarannya adalah kekerasan ekonomi, psikologi dan fisilc. Mayoritas tenaga kerja perempuan yang mengalami masaldh menyelesaikannya sendiri dengan berbagai cara

The Political Economy of Sunni-Shi’ah Conflict in Sampang Madura

Many overlooked the fact that politico-economic factors played an important role behind the 2011 and 2012 Sunni-Shi’ah conflict in Sampang Madura. Some, however, argue that the Sunni-Shi’ah conflict was merely driven by theological factors. The major roots of the conflict thus were therefore the internal dimensions of religious beliefs as contained in its doctrines. As a result, the conflict can only be explained in terms of religious and theological framework. This assumption is commonly shared by the majority of Madurese Muslims by arguing that the island of Madura cannot host the believers of non-Sunni. In the aftermath of the conflict, the community of Shi’ah has been forced to seek refuge outside of the land of Madura. By doing so, many observers and the Madurese Muslims tends to have treated political and economic factors as peripheral that exacerbated the escalation of conflict. This article, however, argues vice-versa that it is not theology, but politics and economy, which mainly steered the conflict. Theology played a role in exacerbating the escalation of conflict. During the conflict, religious and theological arguments were deployed as a mobilizing force in order to justify the conflict. Furthermore, the existence of Shi’ah community in Sampang is regarded by the mainstream Sunni community as a threat to their long domination over the socio-political structure in that region. The paper, thus, perceives the conflict as the way the local elites maintain the established mode of production. This paper is qualitative research that employs political-economy as its main approach in analyzing the data. [Para pengamat banyak tidak melihat aktor politik dan ekonomi di balik konflik Sunni dan Syiah 2011 dan 2012 di Sampang Madura. Para peneliti bahkan beranggapan bahwa konflik Sunni-Syiah itu dilatari oleh faktor teologis. Ini artinya bahwa tiap kelompok memegang sistem kepercayaan yang berbeda. Akar utama dari konflik itu pada persoalan agama dan doktrinnya yang menyebabkan konflik. Walhasil, konflik hanya bisa dijelaskan dari kerangka keagamaan dan teologis. Asumsi ini banyak dipegang oleh mayoritas Muslim Madura dengan berasalan bahwa orang Madura tidak menerima selain Sunni, termasuk Syiah. Setelah konflik, masyarakat Syiah dipaksa untuk mengungsi ke luar pulau Madura. Dengan begitu, banyak pengamat dan juga masyarakat Muslim Madura melihat faktor politis dan ekonomi hanya pinggiran yang memperparah konflik. Artikel ini beranggapan sebaliknya, bahwa politis dan ekonomi merupakan faktor utama. Teologi hanya memperparah saja. Pada saat konflik, faktor teologis dan agamis digunakan sebagai kekuatan untuk mobilisasi dan menjustifikasinya. Selanjutnya, keberadaan komunitas Syiah di Sampang dianggap sebagai ancaman bagi dominasi Sunni pada struktur sosio politis daerah itu. Artikel ini menganggap bahwa konflik hanyalah sebagai sarana elit lokal untuk mempertahankan dominasi sistem ekonomi. Makalah ini pada dasarnya merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang melihat faktor politis ekonomis sebagai pendekatan dan analisis data]

Partai Keadilan Sejahtera: A Mawdudian-Meliorist Vision of Islamism in Post-New Order Indonesia

This article seeks to analyze how one group, that is, the Justice and Welfare Party (PKS), is attempting to clean up politics from within the political party system. This article argues that the existence of PKS has given a new but unique political nuance to the political party system in post-New Order Indonesia. The seemingly sudden rise of PKS has taken many by surprise, and it is for this that the party has become the topic of much discourse amongst scholars of Indonesia.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v14i1.55

The Politics of Retaliation: the Backlash of Radical Islamists to the Deradicalization Project in Indonesia

This paper seeks to analyze how the program of deradicalization in Indonesia is approached, understood and treated by radical Islamists. This paper argues that the deradicalization program in this country has invited controversies, criticisms and even backlash from radical Islamists on the grounds that it goes against the principles of human rights because of state’s intervention into religious life of its citizens. In addition, it is carried out by violent method which mostly ends with killing the accused terrorists along with the arrest and ambush by security officers. In order to analyze the focus of the study, this paper employs socio-political approach. This paper finds that more thorough approach needs to be employed by the state within the framework of human rights. Therefore, the ideology of radical Islamism and terrorism must be dealt with from two sides; at the upstream and the downstream levels. At the upstream level, the program of deradicalization must be carried out within the framework of interdepartmental and ministerial partnership. This program should invite as many institutions as possible to be involved and reach as wide audience as possible. At the downstream level, the program of deradicalization must abide to human rights principles. The security approach taken by the government should not end with killing or dehumanizing terrorists. By doing so, the national program of deradicalization can appeal as wide sympathy possible and will not harvest backlash from the Islamists.[Artikel ini mendiskusikan bagaimana program deradikalisasi di Indonesia dipahami, dimengerti, dan disikapi oleh kalangan Islamis. Tulisan ini berasumsi bahwa program deradikalisasi yang dilakukan memincu kontroversi, kritik, bahkan memicu juga aksi balasan yang dilancarkan kalangan Islamis radikal. Beberapa kalangan menilai program tersebut melanggar prinsip hak asasi manusia karena merepresentasikan bentuk intervensi negara terhadap kehidupan beragama masyarakatnya. Lebih dari itu, beberapa program dilaksanakan dengan melakukan tindak kekerasan dan kerap berakhir dengan penangkapan, penganiayaan, bahkan pembunuhan tersangka teroris. Dalam menganalisis tema tulisan, pendekatan sosialpolitik digunakan. Artikel ini kemudian menemukan bahwa pendekatan yang berangkat dari nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia perlu dipertegas. Karena itu, ideologi islamis-radikal and terorisme harus dilihat melalui dua sisi secara bersama. Pada level atas, program deradikalisasi dilakukan dengan kerjasama antar lembaga dan kementerian terkait. Dengan begitu, program deradikalisasi diwujudkan dengan mengajak sebanyak-banyaknya lembaga untuk terlibat serta memperluas target audien. Pada level bawah, program deradikalisasi harus mematuhi prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pendekatan keamanan yang dominan dilakukan tidak harus berakhir dengan membunuh atau dengan melanggar hak asasi manusia yang juga melekat pada diri Islamis dan teroris. Dengan model seperti ini, program nasional deradikalisasi mampu memperoleh dukungan dan simpati masyarakat luas dan dapat meredam aksi balasan kalangan Islamis.