A populizmus értelmezési keretrendszerei

Populism, populist. Maybe the two most commonly known and applied words in articles nowadays in the field of political science. The current wave of populist political actors such as Trump, Le Pen, Orbán or Grillo have triggered the redefinition of a long-term used phenomenon. In my paper I argue that populism can be both a destructive and an innovative element of the democratic systems. Then I turn my attention to the possible definitions of populism. Reviewing the literature I have concluded that the three main possibilities of defining the phenomenon are: (1) populism as an ideology, (2) populism as a tool or strategy, (3) populism as a political communication style. Meanwhile all three dimension are widely used and criticized applying them at the same time would definitely cause misunderstandings and misconceptions. As a “thincentered” ideology populism tends to be stuck with radical ideologies thus making it to be feared and dangerous. Meanwhile as a tool of mobilization the analysis focuses more on the output of populist strategies. As a communication style the whole concept of the word populism should be forgotten as an ism instead of it the main focus is on defining populist elements in the communication of political actors. However applying the latter possibility one could discuss all parties as populists but with different types or with different levels, it is still better strategy then only identifying who is populist. It can give us a more detailed picture about the use of populist rhetoric not to mention that it makes the whole concept of populism neutral

Tetszik, nem tetszik : a Magyar Országgyűlés pártjainak lájkhálózata

The mediatization of politics has already affected political communication throughout history. By every new technological improvement, the shape of political communication has changed. With the fast spread of social media activity, the different political actors have appeared in the social media in order to get and maintain as much support as possible. In my empirical study I focus on the analysis of political party activity on Facebook. In the era of populist rhetoric the politicians tend to use more their social media network sites (especially Facebook) but as they mainly share the content of the official pages of their parties, my study focuses on the analysis of the network connection of political parties. More concretely the emphasis is on the network analysis of Hungarian political parties who have successfully got into the Parliament and can have an own faction. By picturing the like-network of these parties with the help of the Netvizz and Gephi programmes (Rieder 2008) we can get a clearer picture not just about the Facebook usage but also the connections of the examined political parties. Results show a shocking difference in both Facebook activity and connections between the parties. In the beginning of the research my assumption was that the party using Facebook in a more organized way and having more connections will also have the higher supporters and the better results in the elections. In my paper it is clearly visible that this is not the case. This research was supported by the project nr. EFOP-3.6.2-16-2017-00007, titled Aspects on the development of intelligent, sustainable and inclusive society: social, technological, innovation networks in employment and digital economy. The project has been supported by the European Union, co-financed by the European Social Fund and the budget of Hungary