Constructing a new conservatism? Ideology and values

Following three severe election defeats, the Conservatives elected David Cameron as leader on an explicitly modernising platform. His agenda for change encompassed revitalising the party image through a concerted effort to rebrand the party, an extensive review of policy, and ideological repositioning towards the centre-ground. While these three strands are of course intertwined this chapter will focus on the latter, namely the attempt to distance the Conservatives from the legacy of Thatcherism and cultivate a new form of conservatism with wider electoral appeal. This is examined in relation to the period of opposition under Cameron’s leadership (2005-10) and during his tenure as Prime Minister as leader of the Coalition government between 2010 and 2015. The chapter argues that despite some rhetorical distancing from the Thatcher era, Cameron largely failed to alter the trajectory of contemporary conservatism, which remains essentially neo-Thatcherite. Ultimately this has undermined the modernisation project that he hoped would define his leadership, limiting the effectiveness of his rebranding strategy and shaping the policy agenda that his government has been able to pursue. While forming the Coalition provided the Conservative leader with significant freedom of manoeuvre in statecraft terms (Hayton, 2014) it conversely limited his scope to radically alter his party’s ideological core, as he increasingly needed to balance the demands of his Coalition partners with those of the right of his own party. While significant political capital was expended on the totemic issue of equal marriage for gay couples, few other issues have pushed the boundaries of conservatism beyond its Thatcherite comfort zone. In short, after a decade of Cameronite leadership the construction of a coherent new conservatism remains largely unfulfilled

Brexit and Party Change: The Conservatives and Labour at Westminster

This article analyses the extent of party change in response to the vote for Brexit in the Conservative Party and the Labour Party. It focuses particularly on how both parties struggled to manage internal divisions and ideological conflict, and how each sought to manage the issue in terms of party competition. It argues that the Conservative Party victory at the 2019 UK general election was the result of an ultimately more effective response to the electoral dynamics unleashed by Brexit, as the party adjusted its position to successfully mobilise the coalition of Leave voters into party competition, while Labour struggled to do the same with Remain voters. In short, it suggests that substantial party change, particularly by the Conservatives, effectively averted major party system change and the realignment of British politics many analysts predicted. This case study analysis consequently contributes to the wider theoretical literature on external system shocks and party change

Brexit and the Conservative Party

The vote for Brexit poses a fundamental challenge to Conservative statecraft, the most profound the party has faced since Edward Heath’s administration secured entry to the EEC in 1973. The referendum result was the central failure of David Cameron’s premiership, prompting his immediate resignation. It exposed the limitations of his efforts to modernise his party but also reflected deeper tensions that have animated Conservative politics throughout the democratic era. This chapter analyses these utilising Andrew Gamble’s (1974) conceptual framework of the politics of power and the politics of support. It argues that the conflict between the politics of support and the politics of power will pose major difficulties in party management terms for the Conservative leadership, and threatens the electoral coalition the party mobilised at the 2017 general election

The impact agenda and the study of British politics

This article attempts to discern the nature of impact in relation to the British politics sub-field of political studies. It reviews evidence from REF2014 to establish how political scientists working in this area understood and tried to demonstrate impact. It critically appraises how the impact agenda is affecting how research into British politics is prioritised, undertaken and disseminated, and questions whether this is a good thing for the sub-discipline. The implications of this for the shape of British politics research going forward are considered. While welcoming the possibility of a re-centring of scholarly attention on British politics, the article cautions against a retreat to the parameters of the British Political Tradition and the Westminster Model view

Chasing a Tiger in a network society? Hull City’s proposed name change in the pursuit of China and East Asia’s new middle class consumers

The English Premier League possesses multiple global dimensions, including its clubs’ economic ownership, player recruitment patterns and television broadcasts of its matches. The owner of Hull City Association Football Club’s economic rights, Dr Assam Allam, announced plans to re-name the club ‘Hull City Tigers’ in an attempt to re-orientate the club towards seemingly lucrative East Asian, and specifically Chinese, markets in 2013. This article, first, draws upon Manuel Castells’ work in The Rise of the Network Society to critically discuss the logic of Hull City’s proposed reorientation to suit ‘new middle class’ consumers in China and the East Asian global region and second, uses the example to theoretically engage with Castells’ idea that ‘networks’ replace ‘hierarchies’ as social structures. This leads to the argument that while these plans might intend to strengthen the club’s financial position, they overlook a concern with local environments that Castells guides us toward. By looking toward the local consumer practices in China and the East Asian global region, Allam would find: (a) the normalisation in production and consumption of counterfeit club-branded sportswear and television broadcasts which makes increasing the club’s revenues difficult; and (b) that the region’s ‘new middle classes’ (marked by disposable income) are unlikely to foster support for Hull City, even if ‘Tigers’ is added to its name

Stabilized hot electron bolometer heterodyne receiver at 2.5 THz

We report on a method to stabilize a hot electron bolometer (HEB) mixer at 2.5 THz. The technique utilizes feedback control of the local oscillator (LO) laser power by means of a swing-arm actuator placed in the optical beam path. We demonstrate that this technique yields a factor of 50 improvement in the spectroscopic Allan variance time which is shown to be over 30 s in a 12 MHz noise fluctuation bandwidth. Furthermore, broadband signal direct detection effects may be minimized by this technique. The technique is versatile and can be applied to practically any local oscillator at any frequency

Conservative orators from Baldwin to Cameron

How do leading Conservative politicians strive to communicate with and influence the electorate? Why have some been more effective than others in advancing their personal positions and ideological agendas? How do they seek to connect with their audience in different settings, such as the party conference, House of Commons, and through the media? This book draws analytical inspiration from the Aristotelian modes of persuasion to shine new and insightful light upon the articulation of British conservatism, examining the oratory and rhetoric of twelve key figures from Conservative Party politics. Each chapter is written by an expert in the field and explores how its subject attempted to use oratory to advance their agenda within the party and beyond. This is the first book to analyse Conservative Party politics in this way, and marks an important new departure in the analysis of British politics

Megasequence architecture of Taranaki, Wanganui, and King Country basins and Neogene progradation of two continental margin wedges across western New Zealand.

Taranaki, Wanganui and King Country basins (formerly North Wanganui Basin) have been regarded as discrete basins, but they contain a very similar Neogene sedimentary succession and much of their geological history is held in common. Analysis of the stratigraphic architecture of the fill of each basin reveals the occurrence of four 2nd order megasequences of tectonic origin. The oldest is the early-early Miocene (Otaian Stage) Mahoenui Group/megasequence, followed by the late-early Miocene (Altonian Stage) Mokau Group/megasequence (King Country Basin), both of which correspond to the lower part of the Manganui Formation in Taranaki Basin. The third is the middle to late Miocene Whangamomona Group/megasequence, and the fourth is the latest Miocene-Pleistocene Rangitikei Supergroup/megasequence, both represented in the three basins. Higher order sequences (4th, 5th, 6th), having a eustatic origin, are evident in the Whangamomona and Rangitikei megasequences, particularly those of 5th order with 41 ka periodicity. The distribution of the megasequences are shown in a series of cross-section panels built-up from well -to-well correlations, complemented by time-stratigraphic cross-sections. The base of each megasequence is marked by marine flooding and represents a discrete phase in basin development. For the first megasequence this corresponded to rapid subsidence of the King Country Basin in a compressional setting and basement overthrusting on the Taranaki Fault, with the rapid introduction of terrigenous sediment during transgression. The Mahoenui megasequence accumulated mostly at bathyal depths; no regressive deposits are evident, having been eroded during subsequent uplift. The second (Mokau) megasequence accumulated during reverse movement on the Ohura Fault, formation of the Tarata Thrust Zone, and onlap of the basement block between the Taranaki Fault and the Patea-Tongaporutu-Herangi High (PTH). The Whangamomona megasequence accumulated during extensive reflooding of King Country Basin, onlap of the PTH High and of basement in the Wanganui Basin. This is an assymetrical sequence with a thin transgressive part (Otunui Formation) and a thick regressive part (Mount Messenger to Matemateaonga Formations). It represents the northward progradation of a continental margin wedge with bottom-set, slope-set and top-set components through Wanganui and King Country basins, with minor progradation over the PTH High and into Taranaki Basin. The Rangitikei megasequence is marked by extensive flooding at its base (Tangahoe Mudstone) and reflects the pull-down of the main Wanganui Basin depocentre. This megasequence comprises a second progradational margin wedge, which migrated on two fronts, one northward through Wanganui Basin and into King Country Basin, and a second west of the PTH High, through the Toru Trough and into the Central and Northern Grabens of Taranaki Basin and on to the Western Platform as the Giant Foresets Formation, thereby building up the modern shelf and slope. Fifth and 6th order sequences are well expressed in the shelf deposits (top-sets) of the upper parts of the Whangamomona and Rangitikei megasequences. They typically have a distinctive sequence architecture comprising shellbed (TST), siltstone (HST) and sandstone (RST) beds. Manutahi-1, which was continuously cored, provides calibration of this sequence architecture to wireline log character, thereby enabling shelf deposits to be mapped widely in the subsurface via the wireline data for hydrocarbon exploration holes. Similar characterization of slope-sets and bottom-sets is work ongoing. The higher order (eustatic) sequences profoundly influenced the local reservoir architecture and seal properties of formations, whereas the megasequence progradation has been responsible for the regional hydrocarbon maturation and migration. Major late tilting, uplift and erosion affected all three basins and created a regional high along the eastern Margin of Taranaki Basin, thereby influencing the migration paths of hydrocarbons sourced deeper in the basin and allowing late charge of structural and possibly stratigraphic traps