General aviation approach and landing practices

The characteristics of air traffic patterns at uncontrolled airports and techniques used by a group of general aviation pilots in landing light airplanes are documented. The results of some 1,600 radar tracks taken at four uncontrolled airports and some 600 landings made by 22 pilots in two, four place, single engine light airplanes show that the uncontrolled traffic pattern is highly variable. The altitudes, distances, and piloting procedures utilized may affect the ability for pilots to see-and-avoid in this environment. Most landing approaches were conducted at an airspeed above recommended, resulting in significant floating during flare and touchdowns that were relatively flat and often nose-low

Ruminate

Work and research conducted by Violet Love Goode between 2011-2013 as part of the Master of Arts curriculum for the Department of Art at Minnesota State University, Mankato

Farm to Fork or Farm to Landfill?

K-State Pollution Prevention Institute (PPI) is addressing food system issues. Promoting local food means preventing excess travel, while also reducing fuel and energy needs. PPI facilitated a Salina-area food system assessment where stakeholders identified the need for local food aggregation and more opportunities for distribution. PPI also worked with rural Kansas institutions and Wichita Dillons stores to reduce food waste using U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s food recovery tools. Summer interns helped grocers identify various opportunities for source reduction and food diversion. For example, instead of going to the landfill, surplus food went to hungry populations

Conflict and seduction in the public sphere

In a critical but sympathetic reading of Habermas’s work (1984, 1987a, 1987b, 2003), Luke Goode (2005) recently sought to rework his theory of deliberative democracy in an age of mediated and increasingly digital public spheres. Taking a different approach, Alan McKee (2005) challenged the culture- and class-bound strictures of Habermasian rationalism, instead pursuing a more radically pluralist account of postmodern public spheres. The editors of this special section of Media, Culture & Society invited us to discuss our differing approaches to the public sphere. Goode holds that the institutional bases of contemporary public spheres (political parties, educational institutions or public media) remain of critical importance, albeit in the context of a kaleidoscopic array of unofficial and informal micro-publics, both localized and de-territorialized. In contrast, McKee sustains a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’ toward the official, hegemonic institutions of the public sphere since they tend to exclude and delegitimize discourses and practices that challenge their polite middle-class norms.\ud \ud McKee’s recent research has focused on sexual cultures, particularly among youth (McKee, 2011). Goode’s recent work has examined new social media spaces, particularly in relation to news and public debate (e.g. Goode, 2009; Goode et al., 2011). Consequently, our discussion turned to a domain which links our interests: after Goode discussed some of his recent research on (in)civility on YouTube as a new media public sphere, McKee challenged him to consider the case of pornographic websites modelled on social media sites.1 He identifies a greater degree of ‘civility’ in these pornographic sibling sites than on YouTube, requiring careful consideration of what constitutes a ‘public sphere’ in contemporary digital culture. Such sites represent an environment that shatters the opposition of public and private interest, affording public engagement on matters of the body, of intimacy, of gender politics, of pleasure and desire – said by many critics to be ruled out of court in Habermasian theory. Such environments also trouble traditional binaries between the cognitive and the affective, and between the performative and the deliberative.\ud \ud In what follows we explore the differences between our approaches in the form of a dialogue. As is often the case, our approaches seemed less at odds after engaging in conversation than may have initially appeared. But important differences of emphasis remain

Abnormalities of the ventilatory equivalent for carbon dioxide in patients with chronic heart failure

Introduction. The relation between minute ventilation (VE) and carbon dioxide production (VCO2) can be characterised by the instantaneous ratio of ventilation to carbon dioxide production, the ventilatory equivalent for CO2 (VEqCO2). We hypothesised that the time taken to achieve the lowest VEqCO2 (time to VEqCO2 nadir) may be a prognostic marker in patients with chronic heart failure (CHF). Methods. Patients and healthy controls underwent a symptom-limited, cardiopulmonary exercise test (CPET) on a treadmill to volitional exhaustion. Results. 423 patients with CHF (mean age 63±12 years; 80% males) and 78 healthy controls (62% males; age 61±11 years) were recruited. Time to VEqCO2 nadir was shorter in patients than controls (327±204 s versus 514±187 s; P=0.0001). Univariable predictors of all-cause mortality included peak oxygen uptake (X 2 =53.0), VEqCO2 nadir (X 2 =47.9), and time to VEqCO2 nadir (X 2 =24.0). In an adjusted Cox multivariable proportional hazards model, peak oxygen uptake (X 2 =16.7) and VEqCO2 nadir (X 2 =17.9) were the most significant independent predictors of all-cause mortality. Conclusion. The time to VEqCO2 nadir was shorter in patients with CHF than in normal subjects and was a predictor of subsequent mortality. © 2012 Lee Ingle et al

A Functional Analysis of Non-Presidential Primary Debates

Despite the fact that political debates are increasingly common at all levels of government, relatively little work investigates the content of non-presidential debates (and work on primary debates is even less common). This study breaks new ground by analyzing four non-presidential primary debates. Two Democratic gubernatorial debates, one Republican U.S. Senate debate, and one Republican U.S. House debate were content analyzed using the framework of the functional theory of political campaign discourse. Overall, these debates were mainly positive, with 71% acclaims, 22% attacks, and 7% defenses. The Democratic (and gubernatorial) debates had more attacks and defenses and fewer defenses than the Republican (congressional) debates. Overall, these campaign messages focused more on policy (60%) than character (40%). The Democratic (gubernatorial) debates emphasized policy even more (65% to 55%), and character less (35% to 45%), than the Republican (congressional) debates