Sur la sémantique des relatives infinitives

(Les critères syntaxiques ainsi que les exemples sont tirés à Huettner et al. 1987 sauf mentions explicites.) Rationale clauses: fille de S (i.e. adjointes à la proposition). Purpose Clauses: fille de VP (i.e. adjointes au verbe). Infinitival Relatives: fille de NP (i.e. adjointes au nom). Olga NP carries V a hatpin NP VP S1 To protect herself S2 S1 To protect herself S2 Olga NP carries V a hatpin NP VP S1 S1 I NP bought V the shelf NP V' to hold my cookbook S2 VP S1 I NP need V something N to eat S2 NP VP S1 Lionel Dufaye – Université Paris Est-LISAA EA 4120 Simonin 2007 opère une distinction sur des critères au moins autant sémantiques que syntaxiques, dont les deux grandes catégories sont :-les « PRI » (=Infinitival Relatives)-les « CEBs » ou « Circonstancielles Elliptiques de But » (=Purpose). NB : Une traduction possible de Rationale Clause et Purpose Clause pourrait être « circonstancielle de but » et « circonstancielle de fonction ». Simonin en rappelle « un important potentiel de chevauchement entre PRIs et CEBs » (Simonin: 25), ce qui est une des difficultés de cette tri-distinction. Huettner et al. mentionnent une proximité distributionnelle entre les PRI et les infinitives finies: Like tense relatives, they are daughters of NP. (209) Pour autant, on trouve également des relatives finies avec comme antécédent non seulement des NP mais aussi des VP ou des S: She swan across the channel, which is 20 miles wide. She swan across the channel, which no-one had ever done before. She swan across the channel, which you probably already know. Autrement dit, cet argument distingue plus les infinitives entre elles, que les relatives infinitives et les relatives finies. L'autre argument sur lequel repose la différence entre les 3 types d'infinitive est leurs propriétés liées au gapping. Purpose Clauses:-Effacement obligatoire d'au moins un argument: I brought it (= in order) for you to see it. = rationale clause I brought it (*in order) for you to see __. = purpose clause-Autorisent deux effacements : sujet et/ou l'objet: I bought the shelf ___ to hold my cookbooks. I bought the cookies for Mary to eat ___ I bought the cushion for Mary to sit on ___-L'effacement est par défaut co-référentiel avec l'objet : Amy Lou took Mildred to the zoo ____ to feed the lions

Analyse des emplois non locatifs de BY

This article deals with the non-locative uses (be they spatial and temporal) of the preposition by. The first part is dedicated to the study of ‘qualifying values’ – i.e. any context where the by-PP qualifies either a distance or a relationship between two entities (e.g. I paid by check…, I did it step by step…). The second part deals with by in (so-called) ‘agent phrases’ in passives. This paper sets out to propose a unified explanation for both qualifying and passive uses. The working hypothesis assumes that by carries a differential value which qualifies a distance between two reference points. The values differ depending on the nature of the interval, which can be a route (I came here by bus), a gradual process (it grew hotter by the minute), a concurring process (I know some good music to cook by), any form of counter-expectation (I was late by 10 days), a change of state (as in passives)... In any case, by expresses discontinuity within a path-connected domain

A TOE na formação dos pesquisadores em linguística enunciativa

International audienceO presente artigo oferece uma reflexão sobre a teoria das operações enunciativas de Antoine Culioli como ferramenta de análise linguística voltada para os estudantes. Tentaremos sublinhar tanto as vantagens como as dificuldades acarretadas pelo uso desse quadro teórico no âmbito da formação dos pesquisadores em linguística

Introduction

Ce deuxième numéro de la revue en ligne Arts et Savoirs propose un recueil de dix-huit articles faisant suite aux communications présentées lors du colloque international de linguistique Les Théories de l’énonciation : Benveniste après un demi-siècle, qui s’est tenu à l’Université Paris-Est Marne-la-Vallée les 24 et 25 novembre 2011, avec le concours de trois équipes du PRES Université Paris Est : le LISAA (EA 4120), le Céditec (EA 3119), et IMAGER (EA3958). L’idée de ce colloque a germé à la..

Verifying Resource Access Control on Mobile Interactive Devices

International audienceA model of resource access control is presented in which the access control to resources can employ user interaction to obtain the necessary permissions. This model is inspired by and improves on the Java security architecture used in Java-enabled mobile telephones. We extend the Java model to include access control permissions with multiplicities in order to allow to use a permission a certain number of times. We define a program model based on control flow graphs together with its operational semantics and provide a formal definition of the basic security policy to enforce viz that an application will always ask for a permission before using it to access a resource. A static analysis which enforces the security policy is defined and proved correct. A constraint solving algorithm implementing the analysis is presented

Temporal changes in the epidemiology, management, and outcome from acute respiratory distress syndrome in European intensive care units: a comparison of two large cohorts

Background: Mortality rates for patients with ARDS remain high. We assessed temporal changes in the epidemiology and management of ARDS patients requiring invasive mechanical ventilation in European ICUs. We also investigated the association between ventilatory settings and outcome in these patients. Methods: This was a post hoc analysis of two cohorts of adult ICU patients admitted between May 1–15, 2002 (SOAP study, n = 3147), and May 8–18, 2012 (ICON audit, n = 4601 admitted to ICUs in the same 24 countries as the SOAP study). ARDS was defined retrospectively using the Berlin definitions. Values of tidal volume, PEEP, plateau pressure, and FiO2 corresponding to the most abnormal value of arterial PO2 were recorded prospectively every 24 h. In both studies, patients were followed for outcome until death, hospital discharge or for 60 days. Results: The frequency of ARDS requiring mechanical ventilation during the ICU stay was similar in SOAP and ICON (327[10.4%] vs. 494[10.7%], p = 0.793). The diagnosis of ARDS was established at a median of 3 (IQ: 1–7) days after admission in SOAP and 2 (1–6) days in ICON. Within 24 h of diagnosis, ARDS was mild in 244 (29.7%), moderate in 388 (47.3%), and severe in 189 (23.0%) patients. In patients with ARDS, tidal volumes were lower in the later (ICON) than in the earlier (SOAP) cohort. Plateau and driving pressures were also lower in ICON than in SOAP. ICU (134[41.1%] vs 179[36.9%]) and hospital (151[46.2%] vs 212[44.4%]) mortality rates in patients with ARDS were similar in SOAP and ICON. High plateau pressure (> 29 cmH2O) and driving pressure (> 14 cmH2O) on the first day of mechanical ventilation but not tidal volume (> 8 ml/kg predicted body weight [PBW]) were independently associated with a higher risk of in-hospital death. Conclusion: The frequency of and outcome from ARDS remained relatively stable between 2002 and 2012. Plateau pressure > 29 cmH2O and driving pressure > 14 cmH2O on the first day of mechanical ventilation but not tidal volume > 8 ml/kg PBW were independently associated with a higher risk of death. These data highlight the continued burden of ARDS and provide hypothesis-generating data for the design of future studies

The clinical relevance of oliguria in the critically ill patient : Analysis of a large observational database

Funding Information: Marc Leone reports receiving consulting fees from Amomed and Aguettant; lecture fees from MSD, Pfizer, Octapharma, 3 M, Aspen, Orion; travel support from LFB; and grant support from PHRC IR and his institution. JLV is the Editor-in-Chief of Critical Care. The other authors declare that they have no relevant financial interests. Publisher Copyright: © 2020 The Author(s). Copyright: Copyright 2020 Elsevier B.V., All rights reserved.Background: Urine output is widely used as one of the criteria for the diagnosis and staging of acute renal failure, but few studies have specifically assessed the role of oliguria as a marker of acute renal failure or outcomes in general intensive care unit (ICU) patients. Using a large multinational database, we therefore evaluated the occurrence of oliguria (defined as a urine output 16 years) patients in the ICON audit who had a urine output measurement on the day of admission were included. To investigate the association between oliguria and mortality, we used a multilevel analysis. Results: Of the 8292 patients included, 2050 (24.7%) were oliguric during the first 24 h of admission. Patients with oliguria on admission who had at least one additional 24-h urine output recorded during their ICU stay (n = 1349) were divided into three groups: transient - oliguria resolved within 48 h after the admission day (n = 390 [28.9%]), prolonged - oliguria resolved > 48 h after the admission day (n = 141 [10.5%]), and permanent - oliguria persisting for the whole ICU stay or again present at the end of the ICU stay (n = 818 [60.6%]). ICU and hospital mortality rates were higher in patients with oliguria than in those without, except for patients with transient oliguria who had significantly lower mortality rates than non-oliguric patients. In multilevel analysis, the need for RRT was associated with a significantly higher risk of death (OR = 1.51 [95% CI 1.19-1.91], p = 0.001), but the presence of oliguria on admission was not (OR = 1.14 [95% CI 0.97-1.34], p = 0.103). Conclusions: Oliguria is common in ICU patients and may have a relatively benign nature if only transient. The duration of oliguria and need for RRT are associated with worse outcome.publishersversionPeer reviewe

This Is Like So Totally The Best Movie Ever!: Les adverbes SO et TOTALLY en teenspeak

OBJET D’ETUDE : Cette communication a pour objet d’étude les marqueurs so et totally employés comme des marqueurs de haut degré en anglais contemporain, dans des énoncés tels que :1. - You guys should like, so totally come.- That’s so not going to happen.- Great. You’re so on the list.2. He’s totally dating a high schooler.3. S’right. This guy at work was like "Steve, do you know anyone in a band?" and I was like “I’m in a band” and he was like “You’re in a band?” and I was like “Yeah I’m totally in a band”PROBLEMATIQUE : L’objet de ce travail consistera à comprendre ce que représente l’expression d’un haut degré avec des notions a priori non gradables telles que /be in a band/, /be on the list/, /date a highschooler/. Aussi, après une prise en compte de différentes propriétés distributionnelles et prosodiques, on portera une attention particulière aux cas où so et totally interviennent sur des prédicats non gradables. L’autre aspect de la problématique cherchera à rendre compte de la spécificité de ces deux marqueurs, qui agissent apparemment à des niveaux différents puisqu’ils peuvent être cooccurrents, mais non permutables :I have so totally arrived, and my friends and I are going to rock this place.*I have totally so arrived, and my friends and I are going to rock this place.HYPOTHESE : L’’hypothèse sur laquelle reposera cette analyse consiste à considérer que le so (dit Drama SO : Irwin 2011, Gen X SO : Zwicky 2006, Speech act SO : Potts 2004), est la trace d’une intensité relationnelle entre le contenu modalisé et une variable contextuelle. A l’inverse totally exprime un haut degré quant à l’expression du contenu lui-même. L’hypothèse reste ainsi en accord avec le fait que so peut apparaitre dans des constructions corrélatives impliquant un comparant :Nothing is so beautiful as spring.*Nothing is totally beautiful as spring.I was so scared that my whole body shook*I was totally scared that my whole body shookAlors que seul totally peut se réaliser seul en écho d’un propos :-Hey, we watching the game at my place tonight?-Yeah. Totally.-Yeah. *So.On défendra l’idée que totally exprime intensité sans altérité de point de vue, c’est-à-dire stable de sujet à sujet. A l’inverse SO sera appréhendé comme un marqueur d’intensité véhiculant une altérité de point de vue, se présentant ainsi comme la trace d’une qualification subjective

OVER ou un traitement comparé de la « polysémie » en énonciation et en cognition

International audienceThis article undertakes a contrastive study of polysemy by comparing two recent analyses of over, in a cognitive framework and in an enunciative framework. The first part presents a critical reading of Evans & Tyler 2001, in which polysemy is regarded as a grid of connected values stemming from a so-called "protoscene" which corresponds to a primitive spatial scenario. The second part offers a critical overview Gilbert 2003, in which over is analyzed as a combination of formal operations that do not imply any spatial primitives. These enunciative operations are based on predefined concepts that can be applied to the study of any other linguistic markers. Yet, this article will argue that the outright rejection of spatial dimensions in the enunciative approach makes it difficult to account for basic locative values. As a consequence, the third part explores the possibility of providing a theoretical gateway – possibly through the use of topology - to analyze spatial as well as other uses by means of formal operations only.Cet article propose une analyse comparée du traitement de la polysémie dans une optique cognitive et dans une optique énonciative. Prenant pour illustration de référence le marqueur over, la première partie propose un résumé commenté de l’article d’Evans et Tyler 2001, dans lequel la polysémie est appréhendée comme un éclatement ramifié à partir d’une « protoscène », qui correspond à un scénario spatial. La seconde partie s’intéressera à l’approche de over dans l’article de Gilbert 2003, qui, à l’inverse, opte pour une analyse à partir d’opérations formelles, qui ne reposent pas sur une hypothèse spatialiste, et qui mettent en jeu des concepts théoriques prédéfinis et ré-applicables à tout autre type de marqueurs. Soulignant les conséquences qu’implique ce rejet radical du spatial, la troisième partie engage une réflexion sur une éventuelle complémentarité théorique qui permettrait, notamment par la prise en compte d’une topologie, de rendre compte des spécificités spatiales non résolues dans Gilbert 2003, tout en se reposant sur des concepts formels prédéfinis

WH- : Fin de parcours

A number of linguistic markers have been more or less identified as “scanning” operators: ever, any, interrogation . . . In this article, I argue that for some of them – namely the French adverb bien and the English morpheme wh- – this association in inappropriate and should be questioned. I will actually try to show that the scanning operation that they purportedly represent is actually attributable to other contextual markers. This demonstration will be based on Antoine Culioli’s analyses, which should help us put forward a more precise definition of the scanning operation