Follow the Majority? How Voters Coordinate Electoral Support to Secure Club Goods

Voters often favor candidates who benefit them individually but may coordinate their support with their social group on other candidates in exchange for policies targeting their group. In a laboratory experiment, I induce group identities to investigate the behavior of voters facing such trade-offs. I find that groups with low within heterogeneity often secure the club good from a candidate who is also individually beneficial to a majority of the group. In more heterogeneous groups, coordination on that candidate often fails and while the group still receives club goods, it is from a candidate whose policies are otherwise individually costly to most of the group. The results highlight the role strategic considerations play in the formation of group-based electoral coalitions

Social identity and political polarization: evidence on the impact of identity on partisan voting trade

While scholars and pundits alike have been pointing to a trend of increasing partisan affect in the US, there has been very little analysis as to how partisan affect impacts the decisions of voters. We hypothesize that affective polarization may effect voting both through an expressive channel, as voters become more likely to vote instinctively, and through an instrumental channel, as voters expect candidates to take decisions that are more favorable towards their partisan in-group. To explore this hypothesis, we conduct a laboratory experiment designed to separate between the expressive and instrumental impact of affective polarization, and find evidence that affect significantly impacts subjects' voting decision through both channels. Importantly, however, we show that the instrumental impact of affective polarization depends on the underlying degree of polarization in policy preferences. Additionally, in contrast to the existing literature, our study demonstrates that affective polarization has a clear negative impact on social welfare by decreasing the likelihood that high valence candidates win elections. Lastly, we compare the impact of affect between groups that are formed using a neutral prime (minimal groups) and groups that are formed using the subjects' stated partisan identity. Surprisingly, we find no difference in voting behavior between the two treatments, implying that among a group of individuals that are otherwise relatively homogenous (university students) the impact of partisan identity is no greater than an arbitrary label

New survey evidence: a majority of the British public supports giving permanent residency to frontline health workers

There have been calls for frontline health workers in the UK to be given permanent residency to acknowledge their role in the fight against Covid-19. Mollie Gerver, Patrick Lown and Dominik Duell present evidence from a new survey which indicates a majority of the British public would support this

Strategic Discrimination in Hierarchies

In a laboratory setting, we explore strategic discrimination in principal-agent relationships, which arises from mutually re-enforcing expectations of identity-contingent choices. Our experimental design isolates the influence of the strategic environment from effects of other sources of discrimination, including statistical differences between sub-populations and outright prejudice. We find that, in a strategic setting, principals who reward agents based on outcomes more readily attribute high performance to effort when they share the agent's group identity. No such bias exists either for principals whose reward decisions are outcome-independent or for principals in a non-strategic environment. Agents in the strategic setting tend to anticipate higher demands from out-group principals, and condition their effort choice on that expectation. Because they under-appreciate this conditionality, principals tend to underestimate the effort from out-group agents

The rhyme and reason of rebel support: exploring European voters’ attitudes toward dissident MPs

Citizens often support politicians who vote against their parties in parliament. They view rebels as offering better representation, appreciate expressive acts, take rebellion as a signal of standing up for constituents, or see rebels as defending their moral convictions. Each explanation has different implications for representation, but they have not yet been tested systematically against one another. We implement survey experiments on nationally representative samples in the UK, Germany, France, and Italy to assess whether voters treat rebellion as a cue for better representation or infer positive character traits implying a valence advantage. Policy congruence does not drive voters’ preference for rebels. However, voters do associate positive traits with rebel MPs, even if they do not feel better represented by them

Do citizens make inferences from political candidate characteristics when aiming for substantive representation?

We elicit citizens' preferences over hypothetical candidates by applying conjoint survey experiments within a probability-based online panel of the Norwegian electorate. Our experimental treatments differ in whether citizens receive information about candidates' social characteristics only, candidates' issue positions only, or both. From this, we identify whether citizens are able to infer substantive policy positions from the descriptive characteristics of potential representatives and use that information to make candidate choices that achieve substantive representation. We find that candidate choice is driven more by knowledge about candidates' issue positions than by knowledge about their social characteristics and that citizens value substantive representation more robustly than descriptive representation. Importantly, while the direct experimental test of whether voters use the information they obtain from descriptive markers to choose a candidate that gives them substantive representation is inconclusive, we find that voters form beliefs about candidates' issue positions based solely on candidates’ social characteristics

Political Polarization and Selection in Representative Democracies

While scholars and pundits alike have expressed concern regarding the increasingly “tribal” nature of political identities, there has been little analysis of how this social polarization impacts political selection. In this paper, we incorporate social identity into a principal-agent model of political representation and characterize the impact of social polarization on voting behavior. We show that identity has an instrumental impact on voting, as voters anticipate that political representatives’ ex post policy decisions have an in-group bias. We also conduct a laboratory experiment to test the main predictions of the theory. In contrast to existing work that suggests social polarization may have a positive impact by increasing participation, we show that social polarization causes political representatives to take policy decisions that diverge from the social optimum, and voters to select candidates with lower average quality

The CCAT-Prime Submillimeter Observatory

The Cerro Chajnantor Atacama Telescope-prime (CCAT-prime) is a new 6-m, off-axis, low-emissivity, large field-of-view submillimeter telescope scheduled for first light in the last quarter of 2021. In summary, (a) CCAT-prime uniquely combines a large field-of-view (up to 8-deg), low emissivity telescope (< 2%) and excellent atmospheric transmission (5600-m site) to achieve unprecedented survey capability in the submillimeter. (b) Over five years, CCAT-prime first generation science will address the physics of star formation, galaxy evolution, and galaxy cluster formation; probe the re-ionization of the Universe; improve constraints on new particle species; and provide for improved removal of dust foregrounds to aid the search for primordial gravitational waves. (c) The Observatory is being built with non-federal funds (~ \$40M in private and international investments). Public funding is needed for instrumentation (~ \$8M) and operations (\$1-2M/yr). In return, the community will be able to participate in survey planning and gain access to curated data sets. (d) For second generation science, CCAT-prime will be uniquely positioned to contribute high-frequency capabilities to the next generation of CMB surveys in partnership with the CMB-S4 and/or the Simons Observatory projects or revolutionize wide-field, sub-millimetter line intensity mapping surveys.Comment: Astro2020 APC White Pape

Replication data for: Social Identity and Electoral Accountability

In a laboratory experiment, we explore the effects of group identities on the principal-agent relationship between voters and representatives. In an adverse selection framework with observable effort, voters can choose to condition their re-election choices on representatives' effort alone, beliefs about representatives' competence, or both of those jointly. We show that inducing social identities increases the weight of representatives' effort in voters' re-election decisions. Further, when voters and representatives share a social identity, representatives tend to invest less effort and their effort is independent of their competence. In contrast, "out-group" representatives compensate for lower competence with higher effort and reduce effort when voters are likely to perceive them as competent. Voters often adopt laxer retention standards for representatives who are fellow group members and are responsive to evidence of other-regardingness from out-group representatives, but some voters actively resist treating representatives with shared identity more favorably and "overcorrect'' as a consequence