Genre as Bait: Using Pop Soundtrack as Narrative Counterpoint or Complement

There is much argument against using pre-existing music in film, Ian Garwood noting three potential problems with the pop song: obtrusiveness, cultural relevance, and distance from the narrative (103-106). It is believed that lyrics and cultural connotations can distract from the action, but it is my belief that these elements only aid narrative. By examining the cinematic functions of the soundtracks of O Brother Where Are Thou? (2000) and Marie Antoinette (2006), I will argue that using pre-existing music in film is actually more effective than a score composed specifically for a film. Film theorist Claudia Gorbman notes that film scores have “temporal, spatial, dramatic, structural, denotative, [and] connotative” abilities” (22), and it is my belief that pop music is just as economical in forming character, conveying setting, and furthering plot. The historical significance of O Brother Where Art Thou?’s authentic bluegrass/gospel/old-timey soundtrack captures the ethos of the Depression Era deep South more effectively than music scored by a modern composer. Marie Antoinette’s punk/New Wave soundtrack would seemingly distract from the setting, as it employs music that originated two centuries after the French queen’s reign. Yet these modern rock lyrics and instrumentations remove Marie from her 18th-century Versailles setting and paint her as a relatable teenage girl with whom a modern audience can empathize. At first glance, the pop soundtracks of O Brother Where Art Thou? and Marie Antoinette are diametrically opposed, as the first is steadfast in its realistic dedication to the historical time period while the second is an irreverent interpretation of a historical figure. Yet both employ expertly curated soundtracks of pre-existing music to breathe believability and authenticity into the diegetic worlds of their respective films

VICTIM ADVOCACY IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Public institutions of higher learning are required by The Jeanne Clery Disclosure of Campus Security Policy and Campus Statistics Act 1990 (20 USC [section] 1092(f)) to provide education on crime prevention to constituents and to maintain and publish accurate statistics on criminality. But while research indicates that upwards of 25% of college-age women will become victims of sexual assault or attempted assault while they are attending American universities, fewer than 15% of those survivors will report their victimization to authorities. This qualitative study sought to uncover possible factors that affect victim advocates' ability to educate students about and assist students after sexual assaults. A Qualtrics survey was distributed to twelve public co-educational universities located in the Southern seaboard states of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. These purposively selected schools serve average undergraduate populations of 21,000; have affiliations with victim advocates who assist student survivors of sexual violence; and are recognized as research universities by the Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education. Three advocates were then interviewed about the following themes that emerged from the survey: external influences, rape myths, federal and state regulations, and university compliance. The names of the universities and of the respondents have been disguised to maintain confidentiality. The basic principles of feminist standpoint theory—which acknowledges the unique sensibility of marginalized persons to recognize oppressive actions—comprised the overarching philosophy that informed this study. By identifying obstacles encountered by advocates in the performance of their duties, the study may be utilized to develop more effective public and university policies on sexual assault

VICTIM ADVOCACY IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Public institutions of higher learning are required by The Jeanne Clery Disclosure of Campus Security Policy and Campus Statistics Act 1990 (20 USC [section] 1092(f)) to provide education on crime prevention to constituents and to maintain and publish accurate statistics on criminality. But while research indicates that upwards of 25% of college-age women will become victims of sexual assault or attempted assault while they are attending American universities, fewer than 15% of those survivors will report their victimization to authorities. This qualitative study sought to uncover possible factors that affect victim advocates' ability to educate students about and assist students after sexual assaults. A Qualtrics survey was distributed to twelve public co-educational universities located in the Southern seaboard states of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. These purposively selected schools serve average undergraduate populations of 21,000; have affiliations with victim advocates who assist student survivors of sexual violence; and are recognized as research universities by the Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education. Three advocates were then interviewed about the following themes that emerged from the survey: external influences, rape myths, federal and state regulations, and university compliance. The names of the universities and of the respondents have been disguised to maintain confidentiality. The basic principles of feminist standpoint theory—which acknowledges the unique sensibility of marginalized persons to recognize oppressive actions—comprised the overarching philosophy that informed this study. By identifying obstacles encountered by advocates in the performance of their duties, the study may be utilized to develop more effective public and university policies on sexual assault