The Varying Role of po- in the Grammaticalization of Slavic Aspectual Systems: Sequences of Events, Delimitatives, and German Language Contact

This article presents a comparative analysis of three interrelated phenomena: the use of imperfective verbs in sequences of events in Czech, Slovak, Sorbian, Slovene and BCS; the use of po- delimitatives in sequences of events in East Slavic, Polish and Bulgarian; the semantic nature of the prefix po- in the individual Slavic languages. The use of imperfective verbs in sequences of events in the western languages and the use of po- delimitatives in the eastern languages are two alternative ways of aspectually coding atelic predicates in narratives. The article makes two main arguments in this connection. The first is that the use of imperfective verbs in sequences of events in the western languages has been retained (and perhaps strengthened) due to German languages contact, whereas the use of po- delimitatives for such atelic predicates represents an innovation in those languages that did not undergo significant amounts of German language interference. The second is that the lack of the development of po- into an important prefectivizing prefix in the western languages is likewise due in part to German language contact, as po- was at various times used to calque German be- in its surface-contact and transitive meanings as well as ver- in its meaning of change of state; such calques contributed to the stabilization of po- as a lexical prefix in the western languages. The retarding effect of German language contact on the western languages whereby imperfective verbs remained acceptable in sequences of events, and po- did not become a major perfectivizing prefix, is analyzed as the result of a process of “replica preservation,” as opposed to the more commonly discussed process of “replica change” described by Heine and Kuteva (2005).KU New Faculty Research Fund Gran

See, Now They Vanish: Third-Person Perfect Auxiliaries in Old and Middle Czech

This article argues that Czech retained a semantic distinction between the expression of current relevance/emphasis and a neutral preterit in third-person compound preterit forms until the late sixteenth century. The distinction was expressed by the presence (expressing current relevance/emphasis) vs. absence (neutral preterit) of third-person auxiliaries. The hypothesis is based on data from two late fourteenth-century narratives (Asenath and The Life of Adam and Eve) and from letters written by or to Czech women from 1365 to 1615. The results of statistical analyses are presented as support for the hypothesis, and it is suggested that the continued distinction between current relevance/emphasis and a neutral preterit in the third person is in part responsible for the fact that the two-way use of imperfective verbs never became a major usage pattern in Czech, in contrast with Russian, where the tense system was reduced relatively early.Centre for Advanced Study, Oslo, Norwa

Orphan Prefixes and the Grammaticalization of Aspect in South Slavic

This paper establishes the term ORPHAN PREFIX for a Slavic prefix that no longer shares a dominant spatial meaning with its cognate preposition. Most Slavic prefixes do share such a dominant spatial meaning with their cognate prepositions, cf., e.g., the Russian prefix v- and preposition v, both meaning ‘into.’ Orphan prefixes appear to be an important component of many Slavic aspectual systems. However, in most Slavic languages there is at most one prefix that has lost the semantic connection to its cognate preposition and come to function primarily as a grammatical marker of perfectivity. Only three Slavic prefixes are in fact to be considered orphan prefixes, and each only in some Slavic languages. A first case is Bulgarian iz- ‘out,’ as its cognate preposition iz is no longer used in the spatial meaning ‘out of.’ The most extreme case is Bulgarian po-, which no longer shares the spatial meaning of SURFACE CONTACT with the preposition po to any significant degree. Another important case is the hybrid prefix s-/z- in Slovene, which arose due to the phonetic coalescence of sъ- ‘together, down from’ and jьz- ‘out’ after the fall of the jers and which as a perfectivizing prefix has lost its semantic connection to sъ ‘with, down from’ and iz ‘out of’ to varying degrees in Slovene. This paper presents an overview of perfectivizing prefixation in three South Slavic languages, Bulgarian, Croatian and Slovene. It is argued that though the loss of a dominant spatial meaning is necessary for a given prefix to be grammaticalized as a purely perfectivizing prefix in an individual Slavic language, this process is neither predictable nor necessary for the maintenance of a Slavic-style aspect system (cf. standard Croatian, where no orphan prefix exists and no such grammaticalization has taken place). Building on this line of thinking, the paper argues that the facts from South Slavic support recent views on grammaticalization, that there is no “grammaticalization” process per se, only semantic changes that lead to grammaticalization as an epiphenomenal result

Osamostaljeni prefiksi i gramatikalizacija vida u južnoslavenskim jezicima

This paper establishes the term ORPHAN PREFIX for a Slavic prefix that no longer shares a dominant spatial meaning with its cognate preposition. Most Slavic prefixes do share such a dominant spatial meaning with their cognate prepositions, cf., e.g., the Russian prefix v- and preposition v, both meaning ‘into.’ Orphan prefixes appear to be an important component of many Slavic aspectual systems. However, in most Slavic languages there is at most one prefix that has lost the semantic connection to its cognate preposition and come to function primarily as a grammatical marker of perfectivity. Only three Slavic prefixes are in fact to be consid-ered orphan prefixes, and each only in some Slavic languages. A first case is Bulgarian iz- ‘out,’ as its cognate preposition iz is no longer used in the spatial meaning ‘out of.’ The most extreme case is Bulgarian po-, which no longer shares the spatial meaning of SURFACE CONTACT with the preposition po to any significant degree. Another important case is the hy-brid prefix s-/z- in Slovene, which arose due to the phonetic coalescence of sъ- ‘together, down from’ and jьz- ‘out’ after the fall of the jers and which as a perfectivizing prefix has lost its semantic connection to s ‘with, down from’ and iz ‘out of’ to varying degrees in Slovene. This paper presents an overview of perfectivizing prefixation in three South Slavic languages, Bulgarian, Croatian and Slovene. It is argued that though the loss of a dominant spatial mean-ing is necessary for a given prefix to be grammaticalized as a purely perfectivizing prefix in an individual Slavic language, this process is neither predictable nor necessary for the mainte-nance of a Slavic-style aspect system (cf. standard Croatian, where no orphan prefix exists and no such grammaticalization has taken place). Building on this line of thinking, the paper argues that the facts from South Slavic support recent views on grammaticalization, that there is no “grammaticalization” process per se, only semantic changes that lead to grammaticaliza-tion as an epiphenomenal result.U ovom se radu uvodi pojam osamostaljeni prefiks (engl. orphan prefix) za slavenski prefiks koji više ne dijeli temeljno prostorno značenje sa svojim prijedložnim parnjakom. Većina slavenskih prefiksa nosi takvo jedno temeljno prostorno značenje koje se bilježi i u njihovih srodnih prijedloga, usp. npr. ruski prefiks v- i prijedlog v, koji oba znače ‘u’. Osamostaljeni prefiksi po svemu sudeći predstavljaju važan segment brojnih slavenskih aspektualnih sus-tava. Međutim, u većini slavenskih jezika postoji najviše jedan prefiks koji je izgubio seman-tičku sponu sa svojim prijedložnim parnjakom i koji je prvenstveno preuzeo funkciju gramatičkog obilježja perfektivnosti. Samo se tri slavenska prefiksa može smatrati osamostaljenim prefiksima, i pritom svaki od njih samo u nekim slavenskim jezicima funkcionira kao takav. Prvi je slučaj slučaj bugarskog prefiksa iz- ‘iz’, s obzirom da se njegov prijedložni parnjak iz više ne upotrebljava u prostor-nom značenju ‘iz’/‘izvan’. Najdrastičniji je primjer bugarski prefiks po- koji s prijedlogom po više ne dijeli u značajnijoj mjeri prostorno značenje DODIR S POVRŠINOM. Drugi je važan primjer hibridni prefiks s-/z- u slovenskom, koji je nastao fonetskim stapanjem su- ‘zajedno, niz’ i jüz ‘iz’/’izvan’ nakon gubitka jera, i koji je, kao perfektivizirajući prefiks, u različitoj mjeri izgubio svoju semantičku vezu sa s ‘s, niz’ i iz ‘iz’/’izvan’ u slovenskom jeziku. U ovome radu daje se pregled perfektivizirajućih prefiksa u trima južnoslavenskim jezicima, bugarskom, hrvatskom i slovenskom. Ističe se činjenica da, unatoč tome što je gubitak temel-jnog prostornog značenja nužan preduvjet za gramatikalizaciju danog prefiksa u čisti perfek-tivizacijski prefiks u pojedinom slavenskom jeziku, taj proces nije niti predvidiv niti je nužan za postojanost vidskog sustava slavenskoga tipa (usp. standardni hrvatski u kojemu ne postoje osamostaljeni prefiksi i u kojemu nije nastupila takva gramatikalizacija). Na temelju takvih promišljanja. u ovom se radu ističe tvrdnja da činjenice iz južnoslavenskih jezika idu u prilog novijim tumačenjima gramatikalizacije, prema kojima process gramatikalizacije ne postoji kao takav, već postoje samo semantičke promjene uslijed kojih dolazi do gramatikalizacije kao epifenomenalne pojave

UPAYA GURU DALAM MENINGKATKAN HASIL BELAJAR SISWA MATA PELAJARAN IPA PADA POKOK BAHASAN PERUBAHANWUJUD BENDA DENGAN MENGGUNAKAN MODEL PEMBELAJARAN INKUIRI (PTK di Kelas IVMI Al Washliyah Perbutulan Kecamatan Sumber Kabupaten Cirebon)

Yuyun Yuniah : Siswa kelas IV MI Al Washliyah Perbutulan Kecamatan Sumber Kabupaten Cirebon, pada hasil nilai ulangan harian IPA pada pokok bahasan perubahan wujud benda, masih banyak siswa yang tidak tuntas belajar, 21 dari 30 siswa nilainya masih di bawah KKM (Kriteria Ketuntasan Minimal). Nilai KKM IPA kelas IV tahun ajaran 2012/2013 adalah 70. Siswa kelas IV juga memiliki karakteristik aktivitas siswa yang pasif, yaitu siswa kurang komunikatif dengan guru dan teman sekelasnya. Selama pembelajaran IPA, keterlibatan siswa jarang di libatkan dalam praktikum. Untuk mengatasi permasalahan ini, maka diperlukan suatu model pembelajaran yang banyak melibatkan siswa sehingga dapat meningkatkan aktivitas hasil dan ketuntasan belajar siswa. Salah satu model yang digunakan adalah model inkuiri pada pembelajaran IPA. Pengajaran berdasarkan inkuiri adalah suatu strategi yang berpusat pada siswa di mana kelompok siswa inkuiri kedalam suatu isu atau mencari jawabanjawaban terhadap isi pertanyaan melalui suatu prosedur yang digariskan secara jelas dan struktural kelompok. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah (1) Untuk mengkaji keberhasilan penerapan model inkuiri, pada proses pembelajaran IPA pada pokok bahasan perubahan wujud benda di kelas IV, MI Al Washliyah Perbutulan. (2) Untuk mengkaji hasil belajar siswa kelas IV MI Al Washliyah Perbutulan pada pelajaran Ilmu Pengetahuan Alam pada pokok bahasan perubahan wujud benda. (3) Seberapa besar pengaruh penggunaan inkuiri, dengan hasil dan ketuntasan belajar siswa pada pelajaran Ilmu Pengetahuan Alam pada pokok bahasan perubahan wujud benda di kelas IV MI Al Washliyah Perbutulan. Peneliti ini dilakukan di kelas IV MI Al Washliyah Perbutulan Kecamatan Sumber Kabupaten Cirebon, semester ganjil tahun 2012/2013 yang berjumlah 30 siswa dengan menggunakan desain penelitian tindakan kelas dalam dua siklus. Tiap-tiap siklus terdiri dari empat tahap yaitu perencanaan, pelaksanaan tindakan, pengamatan dan refleksi. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan cara observasi, wawancara dan penilaian hasil belajar. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diperoleh nilai rata-rata hasil belajar siswa pada siklus I adalah 61,33 dan siklus II adalah 79. Secara umum dapat disimpulkan bahwa pembelajaran inkuiri dapat meningkatkan aktivitas siswa

Distributive Verbs in Serbian and Croatian

This article examines the semantic nature of distributive verbs formed with the prefix po- in Serbian and Croatian. The default interpretation of such distributive verbs, that an event sequentially affects one object (or subject) after another, can in fact be cancelled, i.e., a simultaneous interpretation is possible. The default interpretation of sequential sub-events is analyzed according to the theory of Cognitive Grammar, and is explained as the result of the processing time involved in scanning the individual events being interpreted as conceived time in the default case

"Semelfactive" -nǫ- and the Western Aspect Gestalt

This article presents a discussion of differences between the Slavic languages regarding the historical productivity of -nǫ- as an aspectual suffix. It is shown that a class of prefixed pf a-stem/n-stem doublets has been more productive in a group of western languages (primarily Czech, Slovak, Upper Sorbian) and that this productivity declines in the languages farther to the east, reaching a minimum in Russian and Bulgarian. Further, differences are shown regarding the function of -nǫ- as a perfectivizing suffix in some Common Slavic unprefixed pf verbs. These differences are then discussed, with no claims to an exhaustive analysis

Slovenski jezik/Slovene Linguistic Studies 5 (2005)

ENG: It is argued that the phonetic coalescence of *sъ- and *jьz into a single prefix resulted in the (partial) grammaticalization of innovative s-/z- as the primary préverbe vide of the aspectual systems in a group of western languages (Czech, Slovak, Sorbian, Slovene). The other Slavic languages either did not grammaticalize a single prefix (Croatian/Serbian) or have grammaticalized po- as their sole or primary préverbe vide (Russian, Bulgarian, Macedonian, Ukrainian, Belarusian); one Slavic language has near equal productivity of s-/z- and po- (Polish). SLV: Avtor zagovarja stališče, da je v zahodnih skupini slovanskih jezikov (češčina, slovaščina, lužiščina, slovenščina) sovpad odrazov *sъ- in *jьz- v eno predpono povzročil (delno) gramatikalizacijo nastale predpone s-/z- kot osnovni préverbe vide v sistemu glagolskega vida. V drugih slovanskih jezikih do te gramatikalizacije ni prišlo (hrvaščina, srbščina) ali pa je bila predpona po- gramatikalizirana kot edini préverbe vide (ruščina, bolgarščina, makedonščina, ukrajinščina, beloruščina). V enem slovanskem jeziku (poljščina) izkazujeta predponi s-/z- in po- skoraj enako produktivnost.Fran Ramovš Institute for Slovene Language, Scientific Research Center, Slovene Academy of Arts & Sciences; Hall Center for the Humanities, University of Kansa

Expressing Ingressivity in Slavic: The Contextually-Conditioned Imperfective Past vs. the Phase Verb stat' and Procedural za-

This article discusses different modes of expressing ingressivity in the Slavic languages – the grammatical expression of ingressivity (by means of imperfective verb forms) and its lexical expression (by means of the use of stat' as an ingressive phase verb or perfective procedural verbs prefixed with za-) – and relates them to one another as two competing systems. It is shown that these phenomena are in complementary distribution: languages that imploy the contextually-conditioned imperfective past to a high degree only imploy stat' and za- to express ingressivity to a very low degree or not at all, and vice-versa. More specifically, the contextually-conditioned imperfective past is characteristic of the extreme western end of Slavic (Czech, Slovak, Sorbian, Slovene), whereas stat' and za- are characteristic of an eastern group of languages (Russian, Ukrainian, Belorusion, Bulgarian); two languages (Polish and Serbo-Croatian occupy a transitional position between the two groups. Finally, the respective modes of expressing ingressivity are discussed within the theory of Slavic aspect developed in Dickey 1997

Osamostaljeni prefiksi i gramatikalizacija vida u južnoslavenskim jezicima

This paper establishes the term ORPHAN PREFIX for a Slavic prefix that no longer shares a dominant spatial meaning with its cognate preposition. Most Slavic prefixes do share such a dominant spatial meaning with their cognate prepositions, cf., e.g., the Russian prefix v- and preposition v, both meaning ‘into.’ Orphan prefixes appear to be an important component of many Slavic aspectual systems. However, in most Slavic languages there is at most one prefix that has lost the semantic connection to its cognate preposition and come to function primarily as a grammatical marker of perfectivity. Only three Slavic prefixes are in fact to be consid-ered orphan prefixes, and each only in some Slavic languages. A first case is Bulgarian iz- ‘out,’ as its cognate preposition iz is no longer used in the spatial meaning ‘out of.’ The most extreme case is Bulgarian po-, which no longer shares the spatial meaning of SURFACE CONTACT with the preposition po to any significant degree. Another important case is the hy-brid prefix s-/z- in Slovene, which arose due to the phonetic coalescence of sъ- ‘together, down from’ and jьz- ‘out’ after the fall of the jers and which as a perfectivizing prefix has lost its semantic connection to s ‘with, down from’ and iz ‘out of’ to varying degrees in Slovene. This paper presents an overview of perfectivizing prefixation in three South Slavic languages, Bulgarian, Croatian and Slovene. It is argued that though the loss of a dominant spatial mean-ing is necessary for a given prefix to be grammaticalized as a purely perfectivizing prefix in an individual Slavic language, this process is neither predictable nor necessary for the mainte-nance of a Slavic-style aspect system (cf. standard Croatian, where no orphan prefix exists and no such grammaticalization has taken place). Building on this line of thinking, the paper argues that the facts from South Slavic support recent views on grammaticalization, that there is no “grammaticalization” process per se, only semantic changes that lead to grammaticaliza-tion as an epiphenomenal result.U ovom se radu uvodi pojam osamostaljeni prefiks (engl. orphan prefix) za slavenski prefiks koji više ne dijeli temeljno prostorno značenje sa svojim prijedložnim parnjakom. Većina slavenskih prefiksa nosi takvo jedno temeljno prostorno značenje koje se bilježi i u njihovih srodnih prijedloga, usp. npr. ruski prefiks v- i prijedlog v, koji oba znače ‘u’. Osamostaljeni prefiksi po svemu sudeći predstavljaju važan segment brojnih slavenskih aspektualnih sus-tava. Međutim, u većini slavenskih jezika postoji najviše jedan prefiks koji je izgubio seman-tičku sponu sa svojim prijedložnim parnjakom i koji je prvenstveno preuzeo funkciju gramatičkog obilježja perfektivnosti. Samo se tri slavenska prefiksa može smatrati osamostaljenim prefiksima, i pritom svaki od njih samo u nekim slavenskim jezicima funkcionira kao takav. Prvi je slučaj slučaj bugarskog prefiksa iz- ‘iz’, s obzirom da se njegov prijedložni parnjak iz više ne upotrebljava u prostor-nom značenju ‘iz’/‘izvan’. Najdrastičniji je primjer bugarski prefiks po- koji s prijedlogom po više ne dijeli u značajnijoj mjeri prostorno značenje DODIR S POVRŠINOM. Drugi je važan primjer hibridni prefiks s-/z- u slovenskom, koji je nastao fonetskim stapanjem su- ‘zajedno, niz’ i jüz ‘iz’/’izvan’ nakon gubitka jera, i koji je, kao perfektivizirajući prefiks, u različitoj mjeri izgubio svoju semantičku vezu sa s ‘s, niz’ i iz ‘iz’/’izvan’ u slovenskom jeziku. U ovome radu daje se pregled perfektivizirajućih prefiksa u trima južnoslavenskim jezicima, bugarskom, hrvatskom i slovenskom. Ističe se činjenica da, unatoč tome što je gubitak temel-jnog prostornog značenja nužan preduvjet za gramatikalizaciju danog prefiksa u čisti perfek-tivizacijski prefiks u pojedinom slavenskom jeziku, taj proces nije niti predvidiv niti je nužan za postojanost vidskog sustava slavenskoga tipa (usp. standardni hrvatski u kojemu ne postoje osamostaljeni prefiksi i u kojemu nije nastupila takva gramatikalizacija). Na temelju takvih promišljanja. u ovom se radu ističe tvrdnja da činjenice iz južnoslavenskih jezika idu u prilog novijim tumačenjima gramatikalizacije, prema kojima process gramatikalizacije ne postoji kao takav, već postoje samo semantičke promjene uslijed kojih dolazi do gramatikalizacije kao epifenomenalne pojave