Overlap Fluctuations from Random Overlap Structures

We investigate overlap fluctuations of the Sherrington-Kirkpatrick mean field spin glass model in the framework of the Random Over- lap Structure (ROSt). The concept of ROSt has been introduced recently by Aizenman and coworkers, who developed a variational approach to the Sherrington-Kirkpatrick model. We propose here an iterative procedure to show that, in the so-called Boltzmann ROSt, Aizenman-Contucci (AC) polynomials naturally arise for almost all values of the inverse temperature (not in average over some interval only). The same results can be obtained in any ROSt, including therefore the Parisi structure. The AC polynomials impose restric- tions on the overlap fluctuations in agreement with Parisi theory.Comment: 18 page

Infectious disease and disgust sensitivity in Bangladesh

Data for manuscript "Disgust sensitivity is not associated with health in a rural Bangladeshi sample", consisting of an R analysis code, .por data file. (spss portable), and disgust scale in Bengali and English

Book review: access to justice for disadvantaged communities by Marjorie Mayo, Gerald Koessl, Matthew Scott, Imogen Slater

The basic human right of access to justice for all has come under threat through wider processes of restructuring, with an increasingly market-led approach to the provision of welfare. Graham de Barra recommends the book to students interested in public policy, law, sociology and access to justice. The insights provided by the study of qualitative interviews make this book a unique read from beginning to end

Reporting Bias Inflates the Reputation of Medical Treatments : A Comparison of Outcomes in Clinical Trials and Online Product Reviews

This research was supported in part by the Prof Roy Weir Career Development Fellowship. Kimmo Eriksson and Pontus Strimling encouraged me develop the ideas in this manuscript. Turu Stadler advised on some of the statistical analyses and Marie Johnston made many useful suggestions.Peer reviewedPostprin

Citizens in uniform: an examination of the Irish military representation in comparison with European military trade unionism and the ideals of the European social charter

Óglaigh na hÉireann is experiencing a crisis in the recruitment and retention of personnel, with the crisis having greater effect on the enlisted personnel. There has been a deluge of claims and counterclaims of failures by the state to provide suitable levels of remuneration and conditions of service in order to ensure the Irish Defence Forces can meet all the tasks assigned to them by Government. These claims have played out across the national media over the past number of years. With these claims growing ever more serious, to a point where there are now claims that the national security of the Irish state could be compromised if solutions are not swiftly found to the current crisis. This thesis seeks to examine these claims by primarily looking at the industrial relations mechanisms and arrangement available to the Irish Defence Forces, through their representative bodies, and to explore if these arrangements are adequate to provide the means through which appropriate levels of remuneration and conditions of service can be achieved. Are these structures adequate in the context of recent case law, and the recent Defence Forces Conciliation and Arbitration scheme review? Can they function correctly while the representative bodies remain within the bounds of current Defence Forces Regulation and Government policy on military representation and military trade unionism? By examining key concepts of the relationships between governments, their armed forces, and the state they serve, the human rights of the European citizen and those of the armed forces member, a view of the importance of the relationship of trust between a state and its armed service personnel is presented here. Then the Irish military representative bodies and arrangement will be compared with the systems in place and afforded to their European counterparts, and some International counterparts, and the ideals and aspirations of the European Social Charter are used to measure the current situation, and what the future vision may hold. There is no easy answer or single solution to this complex crisis. Indeed, the current DF crisis is not unique to the just to the DF in Ireland, many other public sector workers face many similar issues. Across Europe, many militaries are suffering from the struggle to recruit enough personnel for their armed forces, as under-funding of militaries in general and the ever-increasing cost of military personnel (as a percentile of overall armed forces funding) place huge pressure on strained resources. The current symptoms of dysfunctionality within the DF representative system, may be more reflective of the larger economic challenges within in Ireland and across the EU, than a true reflection of a systemic failure. It will take great effort, determination, and co-operation to navigate the DF through the current crisis. It can and it must be done, and strong effective DF representation associations are a core part of those solutions. The representative bodies are on a par with any in the EU, with due regards to certain limitations and restrictions, and they will grow stronger and more effective as the reforms proposed are being implemented over the coming months and years. The relationships with the official side must be reset and rejuvenated, it is of vital importance to all sides that the members of the DF have confidence in the system which is meant to provide for their welfare and rights. The storm clouds of BREXIT and a possible global recession are gathering, and the DF must consolidate and be ready for whatever comes. The security of the state requires a full functioning, appropriately staffed, highly skilled, highly trained, and highly motivated DF to continue to serve the nation, as they have for decades. In order for the DF be as best prepared for any eventuality, this current crisis must be halted and brought to a swift a conclusion as possible. The volunteers of Óglaigh na hÉireann are citizens in uniform and they are proud to be the first to serve

The Symphonies of John Kinsella

Séamas de Barra The Symphonies of John Kinsella ABSTRACT This thesis offers the first comprehensive analytical and critical study of the symphonies of John Kinsella (b. 1932), one of the leading figures in contemporary Irish music. This cycle of ten works represents the most substantial contribution to the genre by an Irish composer, and Kinsella’s varied handling to the form is examined and discussed in relation both to historical and contemporary developments. While his understanding of musical structure and the manner in which he shapes musical time are deeply indebted to the work of Jean Sibelius, Kinsella’s compositional idiom is derived from a personal adaptation of serialism in which the technique of the note-row is manipulated to readmit the forces of tonal attraction. The result of these twin influences is an arrestingly individual approach to composition, the development of which is traced across the cycle as each of the symphonies in turn is subjected to extensive analysis. Because he chose to pursue an independent path in the 1980s, Kinsella seemed a somewhat isolated figure to his contemporaries. Retrospectively, his work can be seen as instinctively in tune with broader developments, however, as both serialism (understood as a way of thinking rather than as a style) and the music of Sibelius have emerged as two of the dominant influences on current musical thinking

Estructuras legales trasformadoras en América Latina en el siglo XXI

In Latin America, the severe flaws in post dictatorial representative democracies and the constitutional principles originally designed to facilitate the exploitative governments of landed and capitalist elites, begin to be questioned and emerging emancipatory processes point towards the development of participatory democracies. In order to redirect national development the peaceful way, several of these processes have resorted to the transformation of the existing legal order in favour of the dominant classes, redirecting their vision of the future in favour of popular interests. The recovery and transformation of the role of the State and public policies with budget allocation in consonance with the new constitutional and social change projects, become indispensable for the success of these processes. In this scenario, concerted social movement action in the struggle for a post neoliberal future and for liberation regarding imperialist designs, constitute the most powerful force towards change. The recent constitutional processes in Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador have benefited from a combination of effective and charismatic popular leaders as heads of government and the pressure from popular bases with demonstrated capabilities for uniting, organizing and mobilizing towards their own agenda towards justice and sovereignty.Las severas limitaciones de las democracias representativas postdictatoriales en América Latina y los principios constitucionales originalmente diseñados para facilitar el gobierno explotador de las élites capitalistas y terratenientes comienzan a ser questionadas y surgen procesos emancipadores que buscan encaminarse hacia la formación de democracias participativas. Para reencauzar las vías de desarrollo nacional por la vía pacifica varios de estos procesos han recurrido a transformar el orden legal que servía a las clases dominantes, redefiniendo el proyecto de futuro en favor de los intereses populares. Imprescindibles al éxito de estos procesos, como elementos garantistas fundamentales, son la recuperación y transformación del Estado y las políticas públicas con asignaciones presupuestarias concordantes con los nuevos proyectos constitucionales y sociales. En este escenario, la acción concertada de los movimientos sociales en la lucha por un futuro post neoliberal y de liberación respecto de los designios imperiales constituye el más poderoso motor del cambio. Los procesos constitucionales recientes en Venezuela, Bolivia y Ecuador han contado con una combinación eficaz de líderes populares y carismáticos como cabezas de gobierno y fuerte presión de las bases populares con habilidad demostrada de unir, organizar y movilizar alrededor de su propia agenda de justicia y soberanía