224 research outputs found
Charting a New Political Notion: âDevolution Maxâ and its Circulation in Britain Since 2009
Cet article porte sur une notion politique britannique dâinvention rĂ©cente : celle de devolution max (ou devo max). Le premier objectif de cet article est de retracer lâorigine et dâexplorer la diffusion de ce concept politique au sein du Royaume-Uni. La notion de devolution max date de la pĂ©riode oĂč le Parti nationaliste Ă©cossais, ou Scottish National Party (SNP), forma son premier gouvernement minoritaire, en 2007, mais ce concept nâentra dans la langue politique courante quâaprĂšs la rĂ©Ă©lection du SNP en 2011 ; il fut ensuite au cĆur des dĂ©bats dans lâensemble du Royaume-Uni pendant lâannĂ©e 2012. Toutefois, lâaccord dâEdimbourg signĂ© par les gouvernements britannique et Ă©cossais le 15 octobre 2012 pourrait avoir pour un temps mis fin au dĂ©bat sur la devolution max, au moins jusquâĂ ce que soient connus les rĂ©sultats du rĂ©fĂ©rendum sur lâindĂ©pendance de 2014. Le second objectif de cet article est de proposer une dĂ©finition de la notion de devolution max en la comparant et en la contrastant avec dâautres propositions de rĂ©forme constitutionnelle. Deux autres propositions dâaccroissement des pouvoirs dĂ©volus au Parlement Ă©cossais seront Ă©tudiĂ©es : celle incarnĂ©e par la loi sur lâEcosse (ou Scotland Act) de 2012, qui sâappliquera Ă partir de 2015, et le projet de devolution plus mis en avant par un think tank Ă©cossais. Une telle comparaison rĂ©vĂšle que la principale diffĂ©rence entre la devolution max et les autres projets de dĂ©volution envisagĂ©s rĂ©side dans le niveau dâautonomie fiscale qui serait accordĂ©e Ă lâEcosse. Enfin, nous tirerons deux conclusions gĂ©nĂ©rales de la diffusion et de la banalisation de la notion de devolution max et de lâidĂ©e de rĂ©fĂ©rendum Ă options multiples qui lui est liĂ©e. PremiĂšrement, lâinvention et la promotion de cette notion par le SNP lui a permis de se crĂ©er un nouvel espace politique et a contraint les partis unionistes Ă redĂ©finir la place quâils occupent sur le continuum politique qui va de lâindĂ©pendantisme Ă lâUnionisme. DeuxiĂšmement, lâattitude des partis britanniques vis-Ă -vis du concept de devo max a rĂ©vĂ©lĂ© leurs difficultĂ©s Ă sâadapter au rĂ©cent systĂšme politique Ă niveaux multiples du Royaume-Uni.This paper focuses on a recently invented British political notion: that of âdevolution maxâ (or âdevo maxâ). The first aim of this paper is to trace the origin and chart the circulation of this political concept within the UK. âDevo maxâ dates back to the time when the Scottish National Party (SNP) formed its first ever minority government, in 2007, but it only became common political parlance after the SNP was elected to power for the second time, in 2011; it then took centre stage throughout the UK in the year 2012. However, the Edinburgh Agreement signed by the British and Scottish Governments on 15 October 2012 might have temporarily put an end to the debate on âdevolution maxâ, at least until the results of the 2014 independence referendum. The second aim of this paper is to offer a definition of the âdevolution maxâ notion by comparing and contrasting it with other constitutional reform proposals. Two other proposals for further devolution of powers to the Scottish Parliament will be examined: that embodied in the Scotland Act 2012, which will apply from 2015, and the âdevolution plusâ proposal put forward by a Scottish think tank. Such a comparison reveals that the main difference between âdevo maxâ and other proposals for furthering devolution lies in the level of fiscal autonomy which would be granted to Scotland. Finally, two general conclusions will be drawn from the circulation and mainstreaming of the âdevo maxâ notion and of the idea of a multi-option referendum to which it is linked. Firstly, the SNPâs invention and promotion of the idea of âdevolution maxâ has allowed it to carve out a new political space for itself and has forced the Unionist parties to redefine their place on the Unionist-independence continuum. Secondly, the British-wide partiesâ attitudes towards the âdevolution maxâ concept has brought to light the difficulties that they have in adapting to the new multi-level politics in the UK
Lâ« utopie calĂ©donienne » dâun nouveau modĂšle parlementaire
We were promised that a devolved Scotland would be a kind of Caledonian Utopia where health would be improved, education better, the economy buoyant.That was never going to be the case.MacMahon Lâutopie a une double fonction dans le discours politique : montrer la nĂ©cessitĂ© dâune rupture radicale avec un systĂšme donnĂ©, et proposer un modĂšle de gouvernement idĂ©al susceptible de remplacer lâordre existant. Le prĂ©sent article tentera de montrer que le discours autonomiste Ă©cossais de la fin des ..
The 1997 devolution referendums in Scotland and Wales
This article seeks to highlight the differences between devolution to Scotland and devolution to Wales through the example of the 1997 referendums. Though the referendums were both held in September 1997 and they were both victories for the âYesâ side, the projects on offer were different, so that the referendum campaigns, and even the questions asked, were different too. This in turn led to markedly different results: a huge âYesâ majority in Scotland, and the slightest of majorities in Wales.Le prĂ©sent article a pour objectif de mettre en Ă©vidence les diffĂ©rences entre la dĂ©volution des pouvoirs Ă lâĂcosse et au pays de Galles Ă travers lâexemple des rĂ©fĂ©rendums de 1997. Bien que ces derniers aient tous deux eu lieu en septembre 1997 et Ă©tĂ© des victoires pour le camp du « Oui », les projets soumis au vote Ă©taient diffĂ©rents, de sorte que les campagnes rĂ©fĂ©rendaires, et mĂȘme les questions posĂ©es, furent elles aussi diffĂ©rentes. Ceci Ă son tour donna lieu Ă des rĂ©sultats nettement distincts : une Ă©norme majoritĂ© de « Oui » en Ăcosse, et une majoritĂ© extrĂȘmement Ă©troite au pays de Galles
LâExĂ©cutif Ă©cossais en guerre
Dans les jours qui suivirent les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, plusieurs mosquĂ©es Ă©cossaises subirent des dĂ©gradations. Ces agressions anti-musulmanes relancĂšrent la rĂ©flexion sur la haine religieuse dans cette rĂ©gion du Royaume-Uni et provoquĂšrent la mise en place, en novembre 2001, dâun groupe de travail transpartisan au sein du Parlement Ă©cossais. Le Cross-Party Working Group on Religious Hatred fut chargĂ© de dĂ©terminer si lâintolĂ©rance religieuse pouvait ĂȘtre combattue par des moyens lĂ©..
Y a-t-il une exception paysanne ? : réalité et limites de la violence contestataire des paysans bretons
De nombreux observateurs des protestations paysannes en France insistent sur leur caractĂšre particuliĂšrement violent. Les paysans sont alors prĂ©sentĂ©s comme une exception en ce qu'ils Ă©chapperaient au processus gĂ©nĂ©ral de modĂ©ration des luttes qui affectent les conflits sociaux. cette thĂšse est rĂ©examinĂ©e ici Ă partir de l'analyse comparative des mobilisations bretonnes qui se sont dĂ©roulĂ©es depuis 1960 jusqu'Ă nos jours. Une simple typologie des violences, fondĂ©e sur leur intensitĂ©, ne suffit pas Ă rendre compte de maniĂšre trĂšs probante d'une modĂ©ration de la contestation. Les paysans bretons, tout en modifiant sensiblement leurs protestations n'ont certainement pas proscrit l'usage de la violence. Mais une analyse plus large des processus de mobilisation, et des reprĂ©sentations affĂ©rentes, dans le permet de prendre toute la mesure d'une Ă©volution dans le mouvement de juin 1961 oĂč domine une logique trĂšs fortement conflictuelle d'instrumentalisation de la violence oĂč celle-ci joue un rĂŽle central. Au contraire en 1983-1984, il apparaĂźt que les paysans sont sensiblement incitĂ©s Ă rĂ©duire la part de violence qui demeure dans leurs mobilisations, et ceci sous la "pression", notamment, d'une opinion publique hostile aux manifestations de brutalitĂ©s. Il est donc permis de conclure Ă une Ă©volution tendancielle de la contestation paysanne vers la modĂ©ration
Introduction : Femmes, conflits et pouvoir dans lâespace anglophone
Ce numĂ©ro propose une rĂ©flexion sur le rapport des femmes au pouvoir et aux conflits dans le monde anglophone, des femmes pĂ©titionnaires dans lâAngleterre du XVIe siĂšcle jusquâaux femmes impliquĂ©es dans le Mouvement des droits civiques aux Etats-Unis et Ă la SecrĂ©taire dâEtat amĂ©ricaine Hillary Clinton. Il confronte ces trois concepts de fĂ©minitĂ©, de conflit et de pouvoir selon trois axes qui se croisent et qui structurent lâensemble : une rĂ©flexion sur la prise de pouvoir (ou la tentative d..
Training Symbol-Based Equalization for Quadrature Duobinary PDM-FTN Systems
A training symbol-based equalization algorithm is proposed for polarization
de-multiplexing in quadrature duobinary (QDB) modulated polarization division
multiplexedfaster-than-Nyquist (FTN) coherent optical systems. The proposed
algorithm is based on the least mean square algorithm, and multiple location
candidates of a symbol are considered in order to make use of the training
symbols with QDB modulation.Results show that an excellent convergence
performance is obtained using the proposed algorithm under different
polarization alignment scenarios. The optical signal-to-noise ratio required to
attain a bit error rate of 2*10-2 is reduced by 1.7 and 1.8 dB using the
proposed algorithm, compared to systems using the constant modulus algorithm
with differential coding for 4-ary quadrature amplitude modulation(4-QAM) and
16-QAM systems with symbol-by-symbol detection, respectively.Furthermore,
comparisons with the Tomlinson-Harashima precoding-based FTN systems illustrate
that QDB is preferable when 4-QAM is utilized
Phenylbutyrate up-regulates the adrenoleukodystrophy-related gene as a nonclassical peroxisome proliferator
X-linked adrenoleukodystrophy (X-ALD) is a demyelinating disease due to mutations in the ABCD1 (ALD) gene, encoding a peroxisomal ATP-binding cassette transporter (ALDP). Overexpression of adrenoleukodystrophy-related protein, an ALDP homologue encoded by the ABCD2 (adrenoleukodystrophy-related) gene, can compensate for ALDP deficiency. 4-Phenylbutyrate (PBA) has been shown to induce both ABCD2 expression and peroxisome proliferation in human fibroblasts. We show that peroxisome proliferation with unusual shapes and clusters occurred in liver of PBA-treated rodents in a PPARα-independent way. PBA activated Abcd2 in cultured glial cells, making PBA a candidate drug for therapy of X-ALD. The Abcd2 induction observed was partially PPARα independent in hepatocytes and totally independent in fibroblasts. We demonstrate that a GC box and a CCAAT box of the Abcd2 promoter are the key elements of the PBA-dependent Abcd2 induction, histone deacetylase (HDAC)1 being recruited by the GC box. Thus, PBA is a nonclassical peroxisome proliferator inducing pleiotropic effects, including effects at the peroxisomal level mainly through HDAC inhibition
Intracellular Bacteria Encode Inhibitory SNARE-Like Proteins
Pathogens use diverse molecular machines to penetrate host cells and manipulate intracellular vesicular trafficking. Viruses employ glycoproteins, functionally and structurally similar to the SNARE proteins, to induce eukaryotic membrane fusion. Intracellular pathogens, on the other hand, need to block fusion of their infectious phagosomes with various endocytic compartments to escape from the degradative pathway. The molecular details concerning the mechanisms underlying this process are lacking. Using both an in vitro liposome fusion assay and a cellular assay, we showed that SNARE-like bacterial proteins block membrane fusion in eukaryotic cells by directly inhibiting SNARE-mediated membrane fusion. More specifically, we showed that IncA and IcmG/DotF, two SNARE-like proteins respectively expressed by Chlamydia and Legionella, inhibit the endocytic SNARE machinery. Furthermore, we identified that the SNARE-like motif present in these bacterial proteins encodes the inhibitory function. This finding suggests that SNARE-like motifs are capable of specifically manipulating membrane fusion in a wide variety of biological environments. Ultimately, this motif may have been selected during evolution because it is an efficient structural motif for modifying eukaryotic membrane fusion and thus contribute to pathogen survival
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