The democratic interface: technology, political organization, and diverging patterns of electoral representation

Democracies are experiencing historic disruptions affecting how people engage with core institutions such as the press, civil society organizations, parties, and elections. These processes of citizen interaction with institutions operate as a democratic interface shaping self-government and the quality of public life. The electoral dimension of the interface is important, as its operation can affect all others. This analysis explores a growing left-right imbalance in the electoral connection between citizens, parties, elections, and government. This imbalance is due, in part, to divergent left-right preferences for political engagement, organization, and communication. Support on the right for clearer social rules and simpler moral, racial and nationalist agendas are compatible with hierarchical, leader-centered party organizations that compete more effectively in elections. Parties on the left currently face greater challenges engaging citizens due to the popular meta-ideology of diversity and inclusiveness and demands for direct or deliberative democracy. What we term connective parties are developing technologies to perform core organizational functions, and some have achieved electoral success. However, when connective parties on the left try to develop shared authority processes, online and offline, they face significant challenges competing with more conventionally organized parties on the right

Politics in Spain: A Case of Monitory Democracy

Analysing the current political context in Spain is a major challenge to political theory. Spain is experiencing the accumulation of trends that in recent years have focused the attention of most theorists and political scientists: discrediting of the major parties, falling numbers of party members, disaffection, etc. In parallel, this trend has been accompanied by citizen mobilisations that, since 15 May 2011, are manifest in numerous channels and strategies. The aim of this paper was to analyse the complex Spanish context from the monitory democracy proposal. The results show how in recent years processes of public scrutiny have been consolidated through a range of citizen initiatives. The study offers an in-depth analysis of the main characteristics of the most notable cases and monitoring initiatives, and also reflects on their democratising potential.El análisis del contexto político actual en España es un reto importante para la teoría política. España está experimentando la acumulación de tendencias que en años recientes han centrado la atención de la mayor parte de teóricos y científicos políticos: desacreditación de los principales partidos, caída del número de miembros de los partidos, desafección, etc. Paralelamente, esta tendencia se ha visto acompañada por movilizaciones ciudadanas que, desde el 15 de mayo de 2011, son manifiestas en numerosos canales y estrategias. El objetivo de este documento es analizar el complejo contexto español desde la propuesta de democracia monitorizada. Los resultados muestran que en años recientes se han consolidado los procesos de escrutinio público mediante una serie de iniciativas ciudadanas. El estudio ofrece un análisis en profundidad de las principales características de los casos e iniciativas de monitorización más notables, y reflexiona también sobre su potencial democratizador

Cajoling or coercing: would electoral engineering resolve the young citizen–state disconnect?

The relationships between citizens and their states are undergoing significant stresses across advanced liberal democracies. In Britain, this disconnect is particularly evident amongst young citizens. This article considers whether different electoral engineering methods - designed either to cajole or compel youth to vote - might arrest the decline in their political engagement. Data collected in 2011 from a national survey of 1,025 British 18 year olds and from focus groups involving 86 young people, reveal that many young people claim that they would be more likely to vote in future elections if such electoral reforms were implemented. However, it is questionable whether or not such increased electoral participation would mean that they would feel truly connected to the democratic process. In particular, forcing young people to vote through the introduction of compulsory voting may actually serve to reinforce deepening resentments, rather than engage them in a positive manner

Randomized trial to compare the efficacy and toxicity of cyclophosphamide, methotrexate and 5-fluorouracil (CMF) with methotrexate mitoxantrone (MM) in advanced carcinoma of the breast

One hundred and sixteen patients with locally advanced or metastatic breast cancer were randomized to receive CMF (cyclophosphamide 600 mg m−2 day 1 and 8 i.v., 5-fluorouracil 600 mg m−2 day 1 and 8 i.v.,, methotrexate 40 mg m−2 day 1 and 8 i.v., monthly for 6 cycles) or MM (methotrexate 30 mg m−2, mitoxantrone 6.5 mg m−2, both i.v. day 1 3-weekly for 8 cycles) as first line treatment with chemotherapy. Objective responses occurred in 17 patients out of 58 (29%) who received CMF and nine out of 58 (15%) who received MM; 95% confidence interval for difference in response rates (–1%–29%), P = 0.07. No statistically significant differences were seen in overall survival or time to progression between the two regimes although a tendency towards a shorter progression time on the MM regime must be acknowledged. There was, however, significantly reduced haematological toxicity (P < 0.001) and alopecia (P < 0.001) and fewer dose reductions and delays in patients randomized to MM. No statistically significant differences were seen between the two regimes in terms of quality of life (QOL). However, some association between QOL and toxicity was apparent overall with pooled QOL estimates tending to indicate a worsening in psychological state with increasing maximum toxicity over treatment. Despite the fact that results surrounding response rates and time to progression did not reach statistical significance, their possible compatibility with an improved outcome on CMF treatment must be borne in mind. However, MM is a well-tolerated regimen with fewer side-effects than CMF, which with careful patient management and follow-up, therefore, may merit consideration as a first-line treatment to palliate patients with metastatic breast cancer who are infirm or elderly. © 1999 Cancer Research Campaig

Rethinking Radical Democracy

Over the course of three decades, vocabularies of radical democracy have pressed their stamp on democratic thought. Trading on the intuition that there is more to democracy than elections, they have generated critical insights into the important role that practices of pluralisation and critique play in bettering institutional politics. As a result, few would today deny the radical democratic contribution to democratic thought. What many might question, however, is its continuing traction. The paper probes this question, focusing on the nuanced place of democracy in contemporary radical work. It grapples with the difficulties that this poses for radical democrats and it suggests that a way of overcoming these difficulties – that threaten to undermine the coherence of radical democracy – is to rethink and reconstruct the distinctiveness of its vocabulary. The paper attempts such a reconstruction. It develops the idea of the promissory rule of the many and it discusses the ways it rejuvenates broader democratic thought

Serum CEA and CA 15-3 as prognostic factors in primary breast cancer

In the present study, we investigated the association of the serum levels of the tumour markers carcinoembryonic antigen and cancer antigen 15-3 with disease free survival and death from disease in 1046 women with breast cancer without metastases at the time of primary diagnosis in relation to age and the established prognostic factors tumour size, lymph node status, histological grading and hormone receptor status. We found that elevated pre-operative serum marker values were correlated with early relapse (cancer antigen 15-3; P=0.0003) and death from disease (carcinoembryonic antigen, cancer antigen 15-3; P=0.0001 both) in univariate analyses. By comparing pre- and post-operative values we found a decline in values post-surgery. In those patients where marker levels of carcinoembryonic antigen decreased more than 33%, a significantly higher risk for relapse and death from disease (both P=0.0001) in univariate analyses was observed. In multivariate analysis this decrease of carcinoembryonic antigen proved to be an independent prognostic factor. The results for cancer antigen 15-3 were comparable to carcinoembryonic antigen in univariate analyses but showed no significance in multivariate analysis. In this study the post-operative decrease of the serum tumour marker carcinoembryonic antigen was a strong independent prognostic factor for disease free survival and death from disease in breast cancer patients

The gendering of global citizenship: findings from a large-scale quantitative study on global citizenship education experiences

The growing literature on the gendering of citizenship and citizenship education highlights that western notions of ‘citizenship’ have often been framed in a way that implicitly excludes women. At the same time, insofar as feminist writers have addressed citizenship, they have tended to see it in largely local and national terms. While feminist literature has laid the groundwork for understanding how schools have shaped and structured a gendered citizenry, there is a lack of large-scale quantitative data which might allow us to explore the intersection between gender and global citizenship education. Drawing on a large-scale quantitative study on development education/global citizenship education in second-level schools, the data presented here suggest that emergent notions of global citizenship are being gendered in schools. The data suggest that girls’ schools are more likely than other types of schools to emphasise a sense of responsibility for, and an analysis of, global inequalities, while differences also emerge between boys’ schools and co-educational schools