928 research outputs found

    Qing Imperial Mandalic Architecture for Gelugpa Pontiffs between Beijing, Inner Mongolia and Amdo

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    This article discusses a particular architectural style of Gelugpa monasteries’ assembly halls (dugang) adopted in Inner Mongolia, Mongolia and China during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: the huilang-style dugang, “dugang [adopting] the style of galleries [taking the shape of the character] hui” 回廊式. It is a large square temple with a central skylight, that can be built with Chinese and/or Tibetan construction techniques and materials. The second floor consists in galleries or rooms arranged around a courtyard surrounding the central skylight: this concentric layout forms a three-dimensional mandala. Seen from the exterior, the complexity of the inner structure remains unsuspected. Chinese sources present it as modelled on the architecture of the Potala palace. The most prestigious examples of this style are Dalaimiao of Xihuangsi (Beijing, 1651-52, destroyed), Shanyinsi’s main dugang (Sira süme, Dolonnor, Inner Mongolia, 1727-31, destroyed), and Amur bayasqulangtu keyid’s main dugang (Mongolia, 1727-36, preserved). Two of these temples have a curious system of hollow pillars that drain off rainwater.Although this architecture was especially appreciated by the Manchu emperors, other temples possess a comparable elevation in Inner Mongolia. By discussing the genesis of this style, the possible sources of inspiration in the Kukunor region, and its diffusion in Mongolia and China, I will attempt to offer a new interpretation of the Qings’ purpose in building such monasteries.清朝為北京的活佛建造在北京,內蒙古和青海的曼陀羅建築 人們說,清朝時期的一種漢藏佛寺是以拉薩普陀羅宮的仿建築。在這些建築當中最令我感興趣的是,他們是乾隆皇帝以前造的建築 (比如呼和浩特的五塔寺)。在滿清皇帝十七世紀建的蒙古和中國三座寺廟,回廊式的經堂像一個立體式曼陀羅,類似古西藏回廊式佛寺,這種式樣最古老的例子是於1651-1652順治黃帝下旨造的北京黃寺的達賴樓。達賴樓按照普陀羅宮的形式建築作為達賴喇嘛拜訪北京時的府邸。可惜的是,我們現在對這座顯赫的建築只能從照片及文字上來了解。 在1727,雍正皇帝下旨在外蒙古興建了慶寧寺(Amarbayasgalant)為了安置第一世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图札那巴札尔的舍利。同年,皇帝下旨在內蒙古多羅諾爾興建善因寺做為章嘉呼图克图(內蒙古其主要的活佛)的府邸。 幸虧有於此建築師雷金玉 1659-1729,這個時代北京宮殿的主要建築師上的文字記載的保存,及其建築的描述,加上當時的照片,本文章能呈現多羅諾爾的寺廟(至今只保存三座)和慶寧寺按照原本的模型及他們的經堂,乃至令人驚訝的細部描寫,比如有排水功能的空心柱。很顯然的是,這兩座經堂是仿黃寺達賴樓建造。這三座佛寺,巨大且昂貴--十萬白銀兩--相較於當時,其建寺花費高於其它佛寺的費用。由此可見,三位藏蒙主要活佛受到滿清皇帝同等的尊崇。盡管其中兩座已遭受破壞,從僅存的中文資料及當代照片來看,我們仍然有足夠的訊息了解當時建寺歷史。若無這兩座佛寺的書面材料,我們就無法進一步了解當時滿清寺廟建築。 這三座清皇帝下旨建造的佛寺其實與拉薩布達大拉宫沒有極大的關係,而受到了安多(清海)地區及古代或仿古的佛寺啟發。至於五塔(寺) ,如回廊式,其完建樣貌與仿印度或西藏原貌有很大的出入;可是中國的模成為新的建築類形。乾隆皇帝下旨仿造完全模仿的這些外國建築的技術讓人看不出來這些是假的,所以他的建造目的與前幾代皇帝不同。我也研究了建築的來源、可能得到的啟發、及其在蒙古的散佈範圍。然而在蒙古此類建築風格只是部分被按受並遭到修改

    De la ville bleue à la métropole grise.: Fondation, protection et destruction de Kökeqota (Huhehaote)

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    Publié en ligne: http://emscat.revues.org/index439.htmlInternational audienceFrom the Blue City to the Grey Metropolis. Foundation, protection and destruction of Kökeqota (Huhehaote)Kökeqota, the “Blue City”, capital of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region in China, had preserved an architectural heritage of great richness until the 1990s. In 1987 it merited inclusion among the “nationally famous historic and cultural cities” of China. Yet, faced with strong demographic, economic, and urban expansion, the architectural heritage, although “protected”, suffers irreversible degradation. The old city, except for a few temples, is being razed. After a presentation of the city's history, of its transformations during the Communist period, of the heritage policy, and in particular of the restoration of the religious structures, the article considers their state in 2002, evaluating the extent of the destruction and seeking to understand what is currently at stake.Kökeqota, la « Ville bleue », capitale de la région autonome de Mongolie-Intérieure en Chine, conservait encore dans les années 1990 un patrimoine architectural d'une grande richesse. C'est ainsi qu'elle mérita en 1987 son classement parmi les « villes célèbres historiques et culturelles de niveau national » de Chine. Mais face à une forte expansion démographique, économique et urbanistique, le patrimoine architectural, même « protégé », subit des dégradations irréversibles : la vieille ville, hormis quelques temples, est en train d'être rasée. Après une présentation de l'histoire de la ville, des transformations de la période communiste, de la politique patrimoniale et en particulier de la restauration du patrimoine religieux, l'article propose un état des lieux en 2002, évaluant l'ampleur des destructions et tentant de comprendre les enjeux actuels

    Batsaihan Oohnoin, Mongolyn süülčiin ezen haan VIII Bogd Žavzandamba. Am’dral ba domog (The Last Emperor of Mongolia Bogdo Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu. The Life and Legend)

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    O. Batsaihan here gives a second edition of his rather provocative account of the role the Eighth Žavzandamba Hutugtu (1869/1870-1924) played in the origin, process and outcome of Mongolia’s national revolution of 1911. A first version of the book was published in 2008 under the title Mongolyn süülčiin ezen haan viii Bogd Žavzandamba. 1911 ony ündesnii huv’sgal : sudalgaany büteel (Ulaanbaatar, Admon, ISBN 978-99929-0-464-0), and translated into English by Mounkhou Ravjaa in 2009 (O. Batsaikh..

    A method for measuring the contact area in instrumented indentation testing by tip scanning probe microscopy imaging

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    The determination of the contact area is a key step to derive mechanical properties such as hardness or an elastic modulus by instrumented indentation testing. Two families of procedures are dedicated to extracting this area: on the one hand, post mortem measurements that require residual imprint imaging, and on the other hand, direct methods that only rely on the load vs. the penetration depth curve. With the development of built-in scanning probe microscopy imaging capabilities such as atomic force microscopy and indentation tip scanning probe microscopy, last generation indentation devices have made systematic residual imprint imaging much faster and more reliable. In this paper, a new post mortem method is introduced and further compared to three existing classical direct methods by means of a numerical and experimental benchmark covering a large range of materials. It is shown that the new method systematically leads to lower error levels regardless of the type of material. Pros and cons of the new method vs. direct methods are also discussed, demonstrating its efficiency in easily extracting mechanical properties with an enhanced confidence

    New taxonomic records and regional trends for the Marquesan prehistoric marine fishery, Eiao Island, Polynesia

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    Eiao Island (39.2 km2, 577 m elevation), situated at the northern extent of the Marquesas Archipelago, features rocky and steep coastlines with few sheltered embayments that allow easy access to the sea and marine resources. We report the first evidence of prehistoric fishing practices from Eiao Island based on three inland sites (possibly dating from the 14th to 17th centuries), and explore variation in fish exploitation (NISP = 1021; MNI = 157). All previous archaeological fishing records from the archipelago are from coastal sites, with inland Eiao Island assemblages offering comparative data on site location and taxonomic composition. The Eiao Island fish bone assemblages are dominated by piscivorous taxa, specifically grouper (Serranidae). Few tuna, mackerel and bonito (Scombridae) remains were recovered from the Eiao Island assemblages, compared to reports from Ua Pou, Tahuata and Ua Huka. New family-level taxonomic records added for the archipelago include: bonefish (Albulidae), requiem sharks (Carcharhinidae), butterflyfish (Chaetodontidae), flagtail (Kuhliidae), damselfish (Pomacentridae) and rabbitfish (Siganidae). These results further contribute to our understanding of prehistoric Marquesan fishing practices and allow elucidation of subsistence in coastal vs. inland settings, variability in taxonomic composition between islands of the archipelago, and importantly inform on human-environment interactions in East Polynesia

    Chiodo Elisabetta, Songs of Khorchin Shamans to Jayagachi, the Protector of  Livestock and Property

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    Elisabetta Chiodo nous livre ici une étude très érudite sur les chants de chamanes  mongols khorchin (qorcin) du nord-est de la Mongolie-Intérieure, dédiés à Jayagachi (Jayaγaci), « celui qui prédestine la bonne fortune », divinité de la destinée, mais aussi protectrice du bétail et donneuse d’enfants. Ces chants de chamanes témoignent du rôle central que jouait cette divinité syncrétique dans la vie religieuse des Khorchin (la plupart des chamanes auteurs de ces chants sont aujourd’hui décéd..

    Kangxi/Engke Amuγulang, un empereur mongol ? Sur quelques légendes mongoles et chinoises

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    Cet article étudie la perception que les Mongols ont de Kangxi (Mong. Engke Amuγulang r. 1662-1722), deuxième empereur de la dynastie mandchoue des Qing, à travers des histoires et des représentations visuelles. Loin de le présenter en despote étranger opprimant son peuple, les Mongols le considéraient comme un souverain parfaitement légitime, voire même, comme un empereur mongol. Bien que la plupart de ces légendes, collectées par des ethnographes et des folkloristes dans la deuxième moitié du xxe siècle, ne puissent généralement pas être datées, cet article tente de comprendre d’où viennent ces histoires, comment et dans quel milieu elles ont circulé, et quelle est la responsabilité du pouvoir impérial dans la transmission d’images positives de Kangxi. La comparaison avec des histoires semblables qui circulaient en Chine, et en particulier sur la montagne bouddhique du Wutaishan, permettra de montrer dans quelle mesure les Mongols les ont reprises, transformées, amalgamées et prolongées.This article investigates written and oral stories as well as visual representations of Emperor Kangxi (Mong. Engke Amuγulang r. 1662-1722) to analyze the Mongols’ perception of the Manchu Qing dynasty’s second emperor. It appears that the Mongols did not represent Kangxi as a foreign oppressor; on the contrary they considered him as a legitimate ruler, and even as a Mongol emperor. Although the majority of the stories that convey a positive image of Kangxi were collected by ethnographers and folklorists during the second half on the twentieth century and cannot be precisely dated, this article tries to understand where they come from, how and where they circulated, and what was the responsibility of the imperial power in their transmission. The comparison with similar stories in China, and particularly at Mount Wutai, will help understand to which extent the Mongols borrowed, transformed and combined the

    Orientation des monastères mongols

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    L’orientation revêt-elle une importance symbolique particulière dans l’architecture des monastères bouddhiques mongols fondés entre le xvie et le xxe siècle ? Dans le choix de leur site par des pratiques géomantiques, leur inscription dans le paysage, l’orientation générale de leurs bâtiments, la hiérarchie entre différentes positions (droite et gauche, haut et bas, entrée et fond), leur plan d’ensemble et la structure de leur temple principal se décèlent influences bouddhiques indo-tibétaines, influences chinoises et conception mongole de l’espace. Temples axiaux, temples-maṇḍala et stūpa renvoient à une progression axiale ou à des modèles cosmologiques centrés et orientés. Un plan ou une implantation, peu « ordonné », non conforme à un modèle cosmologique sera rectifié dans les représentations littéraires ou picturales, et il est instructif d’étudier l’écart entre discours et réalité. En dernier lieu est évoquée la pratique de la circumambulation, qui unit en un même mouvement parcours spatial et parcours temporel.The article treats the question of whether orientation becomes particularly important in the architecture of Mongolian Buddhist monasteries built between the 16th and the 20th century. While the monasteries were oriented, the orientation was multiple: Indo-Tibetan Buddhist influences, Chinese influences, and the Mongolian conception of space all played contrasting roles in the choices of the right setting (by means of geomancy), the monument’s inscription in the landscape, the buildings’ general orientation, the hierarchy between different positions (right and left, high and low, entrance and back), and their general layout. As a consequence, various models coexist: axial temples, maṇḍala temples and stūpa are built according to either an axial progression or centred and oriented cosmological models. Furthermore, some sites are built in an apparently disorderly layout or settlement, which bears little resemblance to a cosmological model. Yet, such sites will be “corrected” in literary or pictorial representations, by evincing telling discrepancies between the discourse and the reality of orientation.Finally we discuss the practice of circumambulation which unites spatial and temporal progressions

    Buffetrille, Katia, Pèlerins, lamas et visionnaires. Sources orales et écrites sur les pèlerinages tibétains

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    Cet ouvrage rassemble des sources en langue tibétaine, orales et écrites, sur neuf sites de pèlerinages bouddhiques et/ou bon po — montagnes, lacs et grottes — répartis sur l’ensemble de l’aire culturelle tibétaine. Ce sont le Gang Ti se rinpoche (mont Kailash) au Tibet occidental, l’A myes rMa chen et le mTsho sngon po (lac Koukounor) au Tibet oriental, le Kha ba dkar po au Yunnan, le mChod rten nyi ma et le rTsib ri au Tibet méridional, les lieux saints du pays sherpa, le ’O ma mtsho (le la..
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