Analogy, polarity and morality in Scythian Hippake: Reflections on Herodotus, Histories 4.2

This paper has two principal purposes. First, in section 1, I offer some very general points about how we may best understand Greek treatments of Scythian themes. It is argued that the tendency to stress the difference (even polarity) between Greeks and Scythians should be balanced and at least contextualised by consideration of similarities and analogies too. In the second part, it is argued in detail that the milking of horses was by no means strange to Greeks, even though Greeks made much less use of horse milk, and preferred to consume it in liquid form and not as cheese (hippake).Ця стаття переслідує дві основні мети. По-перше, в розділі 1, я пропоную кілька загальних зауважень про те, як найкраще зрозуміти античні джерела, що стосуються скіфських тем. Стверджується, що тенденція підкреслювати різницю (навіть полярність) між греками і скіфами повинна бути збалансованою і, на крайній випадок, контекстуалізована шляхом розгляду подібностей і аналогій. У другій частині детально розглядається той факт, що доїння коней аж ніяк не було дивним для греків, хоча греки набагато менше використовували кінське молоко і вважали за краще споживати його в рідкій формі, а не як сир (іппаку). З'ясовується, що дуже майстерний опис Геродота в його повідомленні про Скіфію (Herod., 4. 2) за допомогою виробництва іппаки був направлений на воскресіння традиційних грецьких знань (ніби непотрібних) скіфів і, більш конкретно, пов'язаний з моралізуванням і ідеалізуванням частин цього «знання». Порівняння трубочок, які використовуються скіфами (а не осліпленими рабами), щоб змусити коней давати молоко, з авлосами можна зрозуміти як ключ до цього моралізаторського підходу, в який сам Геродот заклав подвійність (особливо Herod., 4. 46)

Notes on the history of Chersonesus before 422 B.C. and after

Of course, before work M. Zolotaryov it had become usual to locate the foundation of the city of Chersonesus around 422 BC. And that notion will take some time yet to vanish from our scholarly literature1. The main reason2 for that date was a passage in Pseudo-Scymnus, who wrote a geographical poem for a Bithynian King Nicomedes, perhaps around 100 B.C. A king of Bithynia could not fail to be concerned with Chersonesus and the Taurians, close to the north across the sea from his realm and with a potential for help and harm. Pseudo-Scymnus’ passage is so well-known that another discussion of it may seem superfluous. However, one important detail demands comment. The text does not give any reason to connect the foundation of Chersonesus with the Athenian expulsion of Delians from Delos in the late 420s.Автор статьи обращается к известному свидетельству Псевдо-Скимна, которое непосредственно относится к основанию Херсонеса Таврического. Он особо подчеркивает, что основание гераклеотами и делосцами колонии на Таврическом полуострове в этом сообщении никоим образом не связывается с изгнанием делосцев со своего острова афинянками. Таким образом, следует, что утвердившаяся в историографии дата основания колонии – около 422 г. до н. э., связанная с изгнанием делосцев, не имела под собою основания еще до открытия М.И. Золотаревым позднеархаического слоя в Херсонесе. На самом деле поводом для выведения колонии был оракул, полученный в Гераклее Понтийской. Автор статьи подчеркивает, что для изучения ранней истории Херсонеса необходим вдумчивый анализ не только археологических, но и письменных источников. Он рассматривает афинские морские экспедиции в Понт Эвксинский под началом Перикла и Ламаха, высказывая предположение, что Перикл или один из его основных сподвижников (вероятно, Ламах) посетил Херсонес. Он мог оказаться там на пути между Ольвией и Гераклеей. Кроме того, Д. Браунд рассматривает случаи упоминания херсонеситов в различных афинских надписях, постоянно подчеркивая сложность однозначной связи упомянутых людей с крымской колонией. Заключают статью соображения, что в целом, пока еще возможно лишь очень немного говорить об истории Херсонеса до 422 г. до н.э. – периоде, возродить который во многом помогли археологические открытия М.И. Золотарева. Но восстановление истории требует бережности и внимания, поскольку у нас ничтожно мало материала, а тот, что есть, очень трудно использовать

Olbia in the Roman empire: some observations on Neronian evidence

This paper addresses a theme that was central to the work of Valentina Krapivina, namely the Roman period in Olbia and around the Black Sea in general. As Rostovtzeff observed long ago, and as Valentina and others have often insisted, Olbia is special in many ways, but we cannot hope to understand Roman Olbia without engaging seriously also with the larger issue of the Black Sea under Rome, Roman concerns there and indeed Olbians’ dealings with the region and with the imperial power alike.1 These are enormous themes, burdened with a great weight of modern scholarship. And these are also themes upon which I have written elsewhere. Here, therefore, I shall focus sharply on parts of the ancient evidence that have been claimed as important for the Neronian period. In fact, in recent years the honorand and I had begun slowly to plan a joint study of some of that evidence, but we were unable to finish that work.Розглядається тема, яка займала центральне місце в роботах Валентини Крапівіної, а саме, римський період в Ольвії і у Північному Причорномор`ї в цілому. Раніше для підтвердження присутності римлян в Ольвії розглядалася теракота орла з Ольвії з матеріалів Археологічного музею Інституту археології. Аналогія їй знайшлася у Британському музеї. На думку Дональда Бейлі, вона виготовлена в майстерні на Кніді і датується у межах I – першої половини II ст. н.е., і вже тому не можуть слугувати доказом присутності в Ольвії римлян за часів Нерона. Однак, орел був символом Зевса, який у римській Ольвії вважався захисником міста. Залучено дані епіграфіки, у першу чергу епітафія Тіберія Плавтія Сільвана, яка була центром давньої наукової дискусії про роль римлян у житті Ольвії. Дослідження тексту епітафії, порівняння його з повідомленнями Тацита, дозволяють заключити, що не військову успіхи, а тонка дипломатія покійного сприяла вдалим діям у Провінції. Одна ця епітафія, як і напис з Мангупу і папірус Ханта, які опинилась у сфері нашої уваги, не можуть остаточно вирішити наш спір відносно взаємовідносин Ольвії і Риму за часів Нерона.Рассматривается тема, которая занимала центральное место в работе Валентины Крапивиной, а именно, римский период в Ольвии и в Северном Причерноморье в целом. Ранее в качестве доказательства присутствия римлян в Ольвии рассматривалась терракота орла из Ольвии, хранящаяся в Археологическом музее ИА. По мнению Дональда Бейли, эти находки датируются в пределах конца I – первой половины II в. н.э. и уже поэтому не могут быть доказательством присутствия римлян в Ольвии во времена Нерона. Однако орел был символом Зевса. В римской Ольвии он считался защитником города. В этой связи можно вспомнить, что дела города обсуждались в храме Зевса. Привлекаются данные эпиграфики, в первую очередь эпитафия Тиберия Плавтия Сильвана, которая была фокусом давней научной дискуссии о роли римлян в жизни Ольвии. Исследование текста эпитафии и сравнение его с данными Тацита позволяет заключить, что не военные успехи покойного, а тонкая дипломатия позволили ему обеспечить успех своей Провинции. Однако, эта эпитафия, как и надпись с Мангупа и особенно папирус Ханта, которые оказались в сфере нашего внимания

Validity and worth in the science curriculum: learning school science outside the laboratory

It is widely acknowledged that there are problems with school science in many developed countries of the world. Such problems manifest themselves in a progressive decline in pupil enthusiasm for school science across the secondary age range and the fact that fewer students are choosing to study the physical sciences at higher levels and as careers. Responses to these developments have included proposals to reform the curriculum, pedagogy and the nature of pupil discussion in science lessons. We support such changes but argue from a consideration of the aims of science education that secondary school science is too rooted in the science laboratory; substantially greater use needs to be made of out-of-school sites for the teaching of science. Such usage should result in a school science education that is more valid and more motivating and is better at fulfilling defensible aims of school science education. Our contention is that laboratory-based school science teaching needs to be complemented by out-of-school science learning that draws on the actual world (e.g. through fieldtrips), the presented world (e.g. in science centres, botanic gardens, zoos and science museums) and the virtual worlds that are increasingly available through information and communications technologies (ICT)

Learning to Teach About Ideas and Evidence in Science : The Student Teacher as Change Agent

A collaborative curriculum development project was set up to address the lack of good examples of teaching about ideas and evidence and the nature of science encountered by student teachers training to teach in the age range 11-16 in schools in England. Student and teacher-mentor pairs devised, taught and evaluated novel lessons and approaches. The project design required increasing levels of critique through cycles of teaching, evaluation and revision of lessons. Data were gathered from interviews and students' reports to assess the impact of the project on student teachers and to what extent any influences survived when they gained their first teaching posts. A significant outcome was the perception of teaching shifting from the delivery of standard lessons in prescribed ways to endeavours demanding creativity and decision-making. Although school-based factors limited newly qualified teachers' chances to use new lessons and approaches and therefore act as change-agents in schools, the ability to critique curriculum materials and the recognition of the need to create space for professional dialogue were durable gains

A Deletion in the N-Myc Downstream Regulated Gene 1 (NDRG1) Gene in Greyhounds with Polyneuropathy

The polyneuropathy of juvenile Greyhound show dogs shows clinical similarities to the genetically heterogeneous Charcot-Marie-Tooth (CMT) disease in humans. The pedigrees containing affected dogs suggest monogenic autosomal recessive inheritance and all affected dogs trace back to a single male. Here, we studied the neuropathology of this disease and identified a candidate causative mutation. Peripheral nerve biopsies from affected dogs were examined using semi-thin histology, nerve fibre teasing and electron microscopy. A severe chronic progressive mixed polyneuropathy was observed. Seven affected and 17 related control dogs were genotyped on the 50k canine SNP chip. This allowed us to localize the causative mutation to a 19.5 Mb interval on chromosome 13 by homozygosity mapping. The NDRG1 gene is located within this interval and NDRG1 mutations have been shown to cause hereditary motor and sensory neuropathy-Lom in humans (CMT4D). Therefore, we considered NDRG1 a positional and functional candidate gene and performed mutation analysis in affected and control Greyhounds. A 10 bp deletion in canine NDRG1 exon 15 (c.1080_1089delTCGCCTGGAC) was perfectly associated with the polyneuropathy phenotype of Greyhound show dogs. The deletion causes a frame shift (p.Arg361SerfsX60) which alters several amino acids before a stop codon is encountered. A reduced level of NDRG1 transcript could be detected by RT-PCR. Western blot analysis demonstrated an absence of NDRG1 protein in peripheral nerve biopsy of an affected Greyhound. We thus have identified a candidate causative mutation for polyneuropathy in Greyhounds and identified the first genetically characterized canine CMT model which offers an opportunity to gain further insights into the pathobiology and therapy of human NDRG1 associated CMT disease. Selection against this mutation can now be used to eliminate polyneuropathy from Greyhound show dogs

Provision of long-term monitoring and late effects services following adult allogeneic haematopoietic stem cell transplant: a survey of UK NHS-based programmes

Despite international guidelines, optimal delivery models of late effects (LE) services for HSCT patients are unclear from the clinical, organizational and economic viewpoints. To scope current LE service delivery models within the UK NHS (National Health Service), in 2014, we surveyed the 27 adult allogeneic HSCT centres using a 30-question online tool, achieving a 100% response rate. Most LE services were led and delivered by senior physicians (>80% centres). Follow-up was usually provided in a dedicated allograft or LE clinic for the first year (>90% centres), but thereafter attrition meant that only ~50% of patients were followed after 5 years. Most centres (69%) had a standard operating procedure for long-term monitoring but access to a LE Multi-Disciplinary Team was rare (19% centres). Access to medical specialities necessary for LE management was good, but specialist interest in long-term HSCT complications was uncommon. Some screening (endocrinopathy, cardiovascular) was near universal, but other areas were more limited (mammography, cervical smears). Funding of extra staff and investigations were the most commonly perceived barriers to implementation of LE services. This survey shows variation in the long-term follow-up of allogeneic HSCT survivors within the UK NHS and further work is warranted to optimize effective, sustainable and affordable models of LE service delivery among this group

Frontiers of the Roman Empire: the Eastern frontiers

The Roman eastern frontier stretched from the north-east shore of the Black Sea to the Red Sea. It faced Rome’s formidable foe, the kingdom of Parthia, and its successor, Sasanian Persia. Rome’s bulwark in antiquity was the area known as Syria or the Levant, roughly modern Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel and Palestine. To the south lay the Nabataean kingdom, annexed by Rome in 106 and formed into the province of Arabia. To the north, the Cappadocian frontier was laid out in one of the most inaccessible and remote parts of Eurasia facing extremes of climate and topography, amid a patchwork of client kingdoms. This hidden and fascinating frontier in Turkey, whose bases mostly lie under reservoirs, is the major omission from this volume and it is hoped that a more in-depth account might appear in due course. The Caucasian forts along the edge of the Black Sea are, however, part of this volume; this is perhaps Rome’s least known frontier archaeologically but the subject of a unique account by Arrian when governor of Cappadocia. Archaeology of the Near EastRoman Provinces, Middle Ages and Modern PeriodArchaeological Heritage ManagementClassical & Mediterranean Archaeolog

Medicines in Pharmacy Students’ Residence and Self-medication Practices

This study was aimed at identifying the types of medicines in pharmacy students’ residence and to determine if a relationship exists between keeping medicines in students’ accommodation and self-medication practices. A cross-sectional survey of a random sample of 240 undergraduate pharmacy students of the University of Jos, Jos, Nigeria, was carried out. Participating students were given a self-administered questionnaire, and only 188 students returned their filled questionnaire. The data collected were entered and analyzed using SPSS 16, and the χ2-test was used to determine associations between the variables. The results revealed that 66.0% of respondents had medicines in their room. A total of 318 medicines items (2.56 items per student's room) of which 37.1% were leftover medicines were present in respondents’ rooms. Analgesics (34.3%) and antibiotics (25.2%) were the common classes of medicines present in respondents’ rooms. Respondents reported getting these medicines on prescription (25.8%) and self-medication (56.5%) or both (17.7%). Self-medication practice was common among respondents (53.2%); however, no significant relationship (P>0.05) existed between having medicine in students’ room and self-medication practices. Common reasons given by respondents for having medicines in their rooms were that they were leftover medicines and that they were keeping them for emergency use or for use in an event of a similar illness. Most respondents (72.2%) reported disposing of their unused medicines in a trash can/dust bin. This study demonstrated that the prevalence of medicine storage in students’ room and self-medication practice is high. Analgesics and antibiotics were the most common types of medicines present in students’ residence