On the “atypical” imperative conjugation in Manda (Bantu N.11).

Peer reviewe

The grammaticalization of -kotok- into a negative marker in Manda (Bantu N.11)

Peer reviewe

The negative existential in Bantu

Peer reviewe

Modal auxiliary verb constructions in East African Bantu languages

In this article we offer an overview of the use of modal auxiliary verb constructions in East African Bantu (encompassing languages spoken from eastern Congo in the north-west to northern Mozambique in the south-east; viz. Guthrie zones JD, JE, F, G, M, N and P). Modality, here conceptualized as a semantic space comprising different subcategories (or flavors) of possibility and necessity, has traditionally been a neglected category within Bantu linguistics, which has tended to focus instead on the more grammatical(ized) categories of tense, aspect and to a lesser extent mood. Nonetheless, our survey shows that there exists a rich number of different verbs with specialized modal functions in East African Bantu. Moreover, when comparing the variety of modal verbs in East African Bantu and the wider constructions in which they operate, many similar patterns arise. In some cases, different languages make use of cognate verbs for expressing similar modal concepts, in other cases divergent verbs, but with essentially the same source meaning(s), are employed. In addition, both Bantu-internal and Bantu-external contact have played a key role in the formation of several of the languages’ inventories of modal verbs. A typologically significant feature recurrently discovered among the languages surveyed is the tendency of structural manipulations of the same verb base to indicate semantic shift from participant-internal to participant-imposed modal flavors.In this article we offer an overview of the use of modal auxiliary verb constructions in East African Bantu (encompassing languages spoken from eastern Congo in the north-west to northern Mozambique in the south-east; viz. Guthrie zones JD, JE, E, F, G, M, N and P). Modality, here conceptualized as a semantic space comprising different subcategories (or flavors) of possibility and necessity, has traditionally been a neglected category within Bantu linguistics, which has tended to focus instead on the more grammatical(ized) categories of tense, aspect and to a lesser extent mood. Nonetheless, our survey shows that there exists a rich number of different verbs with specialized modal functions in East African Bantu. Moreover, when comparing the variety of modal verbs in East African Bantu and the wider constructions in which they operate, many similar patterns arise. In some cases, different languages make use of cognate verbs for expressing similar modal concepts, in other cases divergent verbs, but with essentially the same source meaning(s), are employed. In addition, both Bantu-internal and Bantu-external contact have played a key role in the formation of several of the languages’ inventories of modal verbs. A typologically significant feature recurrently discovered among the languages surveyed is the tendency of structural manipulations of the same verb base to indicate semantic shift from participant-internal to participant-imposed modal flavors.Peer reviewe

Post-verbal negative particles in Southern Tanzania : form, distribution and historical development

Peer reviewe

Post-verbal negative particles in Southern Tanzania : form, distribution and historical development

Peer reviewe

A Note on the Present Tenses in some Southern Tanzanian Bantu Languages

In this article we discuss the shape of the present tense prefixes in a dozen Bantu languages that are spoken in a contingent area in southwestern Tanzania. All of these feature a high front vowel /i/ in at least one of their allomorphs. Comparing these present-day constructions and taking into account findings from grammaticalization theory, we propose a source structure involving a verbal periphrasis featuring a reflex of Proto-Bantu *jìkad ‘dwell, be, sit’. Based on its geographic distribution, we further propose that this innovation originated in Guthrie’s G60 zone.Cet article porte sur la forme des préfixes du présent [de l'indicatif] dans une douzaine de langues bantoues parlées dans des territoires contigus situés au sud-ouest de la Tanzanie. Ces préfixes comportent tous une voyelle fermée /i/ dans au moins un de leurs allomorphes. En comparant les constructions actuelles et en prenant en compte les avancées de la recherche dans le domaine de la théorie de la grammaticalisation, nous proposons une structure-source dérivant d’une périphrase verbale comportant un terme issu du proto-bantou *jìkad ‘habiter, être (assis)’. En nous appuyant sur sa distribution géographique, nous postulons que cette innovation trouve son origine dans la zone G60 de Guthrie

The negative existential cycle in Bantu

Renewal of negation has received ample study in Bantu languages. Still, the relevant literature does not mention a cross-linguistically recurrent source of standard negation, i.e., the existential negator. The present paper aims to find out whether this gap in the literature is indicative of the absence of the Negative Existential Cycle (NEC) in Bantu languages. It presents a first account of the expression of negative existence in a geographically diverse sample of 93 Bantu languages. Bantu negative existential constructions are shown to display a high degree of formal variation both within dedicated and non-dedicated constructions. Although such variation is indicative of change, existential negators do not tend to induce changes at the same level as standard negation. The only clear cases of the spread of an existential negator to the domain of standard negation in this study appear to be prompted by sustained language contact

The phasal polarity marker (a)kona in Manda and its history

Peer reviewe

Grammar and grammaticalization in Manda: An analysis of the wider TAM domain in a Tanzanian Bantu language

This dissertation offers a grammatical description and analysis of Manda (N.11), a Bantu language spoken along Lake Nyasa (Lake Malawi) in southern Tanzania. The study focuses on the “wider” TAM domain, i.e. on how tense, aspect, mood but also modality and negation are expressed in the language, offering a description of the form and function of the various markers employed. In addition, this work sets out to unravel the historical background of these markers and the diachronic processes of change - particularly grammaticalization - through which they have evolved. As Manda is a basically undescribed language, the thesis also includes a brief socio-historical account - focusing on the issues of contact - as well as a grammar sketch describing the fundamentals of the language. This study draws on a combination of methods consisting of both more prototypical field work as well as methods facilitating grammatical reconstruction. The vast bulk of the Manda data have been collected in the field. Hypotheses of change – but also of retention – are based on the synchronic variation found in this data, in comparison to the data of existing older sources as well as from neighboring languages. Furthermore, the Manda data has been compared to Proto-Bantu reconstructions and cross-Bantu as well as cross-linguistic generalizations on functional and formal change. The study shows that Manda in many ways adheres to the general traits of an (Eastern) Bantu language. Fundamentally, the language is highly agglutinative, with e.g. an elaborate noun class system and a rich set of both prefixes and affixes on the verbal word, marking nominal indexation, derivations as well as TAM. With regard to TAM, the study argues that much of the synthetic linguistic material found in Manda can be traced to Proto-Bantu and thus most likely is inherited. In contrast, many innovations and indications of ongoing change are displayed in the periphrastic constructions of the language. These include a set of auxiliary constructions used for expressing aspect, modality but also (non-standard) negation, a borrowed persistive marker and two particles being employed as standard negators