Women?s health in mid-life: life course social roles and agencyas quality

Data from a prospective British birth cohort study showed that women who were childless, lone mothers or full-timehomemakers between the ages of 26 and 54 were more likely to report poor health at age 54 than women who occupiedmultiple roles between these ages. To explain this finding we developed and tested a theory of role quality based on theconcept of agency by drawing on Giddens? theory of structuration and Doyal and Gough?s theory of human needs.According to our theory, the patriarchal structuration (drawing on Giddens? term) of work and family roles provides bothlimitation and opportunity for the expression of agency. Doyal and Gough?s theory of human needs was then used toidentify the restriction of agency as a possible influence on health. This theory of role quality was operationalised using ameasure of work (paid and unpaid) quality at age 36 and a measure of work and family stress between ages 48 and 54. Therelatively poor subjective health in mid-life of lone mothers was explained by work and family stress and adult social class.In contrast, the poor health in mid-life of long-term homemakers and childless women was less easily explained.Homemaker?s excess risk of reporting poor health at age 54 remained strong and significant even after adjusting for rolequality and socioeconomic indicators, and childless women were at an increased risk of reporting poor health despite thesocial advantage inherent in attaining educational qualifications and occupying professional or managerial occupations.This study highlights the need to develop measures of role quality specifically designed to capture agency aspects of socialroles

The 1960 and 1964 Jacksonville Riots

As the 1950 ended and a new decade began, leaders of the civil rights movement grew impatient. Nearly six year had passed since the United State Supreme Court had laid the foundation for ending segregation. Nevertheless, for African Americans little had changed. Blacks continued to languish at the bottom of American society, systematically denied the legal protection afforded to even America\u27s newest immigrants. Forced to endure second-rate educational and social services, southern blacks increased the pressure on policy makers

The Fourteenth Amendment: The Great Equalizer of the American People

The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which was ratified on July 28, 1868, demonstrated the change in attitude, which hit many Americans after the chaotic Civil War. It was America’s first attempt to legally challenge White supremacist ideas by creating a truly equal multiracial society. With its emphasis on equal protection and equal justice, the Fourteenth Amendment was intended to be the great equalizer of American people, legally changing African American men into White men so that they could enjoy all the rights, privileges, and immunities of United States citizenship. However, determining the meaning of equality uncovered the racism which characterized Americans. Even though the Fourteenth Amendment changed the law, it could not change White Americans who refused to accept African American equality. The dichotomy in American racial ideas was summed up by two Democratic slogans. First, “The Union as It Is, the Constitution as It Was” represented many American’s desire to return to a prewar constitutional status quo with Whites in a favored position. The other slogan captured in the 1866 Cincinnati Enquirer, “Slavery is dead, . . . the negro is not, there is the misfortune” underscored the real problem. Abolishing slavery did not solve America’s race problem. The Civil War changed American racial laws, but it did not change American racial attitudes. It was not until the Warren Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education that the courts finally instituted Fourteenth Amendment principles and attempted to legally create racial equality, as well as color blindness when dispensing justice and carrying out social policy

Responding to research evidence in Parliament: a case study on selective education policy

This research focusses on how members of the UK Parliament engaged with evidence in relation to the policy decision leading to the Selective Schools Expansion Fund, a policy designed to enable the existing 163 English Grammar Schools to apply for additional funds to expand their intake. Although a small case study, the narrow focus provides a fertile setting for analysis of the relationship between research evidence, Parliamentary debates, and policy decisions. The article provides contextual background in relation to the dominant political parties’ (Conservative and Labour) education policy manifesto statements and a discussion on the nature and understanding of evidence. Particular attention is given to how evidence can be used to support claims and the importance of justified warrants. Using NVivo software, we identified the thematic content of 11 Parliamentary debates and analysed the findings using descriptive statistics, which we tested with a playful, carnivalesque extrapolation of the data. Argumentative analysis shows that within the debates a number of rhetorical tools are used to avoid empirical evidence, including the deployment of a ‘moral sidestep’ which discourse analysis reveals in this case to be the repeated communication that grammar schools are ‘good’. In this way, Ofsted ratings are conflated with moral goodness, leading to a disproportionate diversion of school funding in their favour. This case study exposes strengths and weaknesses of Parliamentary debate, which might be relevant to educational researchers who focus on evidence-based policy and to the policy makers and other stakeholders who engage with the evidence such researchers offer

When Grandma Sings The Songs She Loved At The End Of A Perfect Day

https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/mmb-vp/2666/thumbnail.jp

Strategies for enhancing quantum entanglement by local photon subtraction

Subtracting photons from a two-mode squeezed state is a well-known method to increase entanglement. We analyse different strategies of local photon subtraction from a two-mode squeezed state in terms of entanglement gain and success probability. We develop a general framework that incorporates imperfections and losses in all stages of the process: before, during, and after subtraction. By combining all three effects into a single efficiency parameter, we provide analytical and numerical results for subtraction strategies using photon-number-resolving and threshold detectors. We compare the entanglement gain afforded by symmetric and asymmetric subtraction scenarios across the two modes. For a given amount of loss, we identify an optimised set of parameters, such as initial squeezing and subtraction beam splitter transmissivity, that maximise the entanglement gain rate. We identify regimes for which asymmetric subtraction of different Fock states on the two modes outperforms symmetric strategies. In the lossless limit, subtracting a single photon from one mode always produces the highest entanglement gain rate. In the lossy case, the optimal strategy depends strongly on the losses on each mode individually, such that there is no general optimal strategy. Rather, taking losses on each mode as the only input parameters, we can identify the optimal subtraction strategy and required beam splitter transmissivities and initial squeezing parameter. Finally, we discuss the implications of our results for the distillation of continuous-variable quantum entanglement.Comment: 13 pages, 11 figures. Updated version for publicatio