34 research outputs found
Implementação de Cidades Inteligentes em PaĂses em Vias de Desenvolvimento - Estudo sobre o Papel da Tecnologia no Desenvolvimento de Serviços de Cidades Inteligentes em Maputo
O estudo de Cidades Inteligentes centra-se frequentemente na aplicação de tecnologias de informação e comunicação para a melhoria dos serviços urbanos e para a resolução de problemas de sustentabili-dade das cidades.
Desta visĂŁo algo redutora do tema, surge literatura que apenas explora a possibilidade de implementação de soluçÔes e estratĂ©gias de Cidades Inteligentes em paĂses cujo contexto facilite a aplicação e adopção dessas soluçÔes.
Aplicando a visĂŁo da Cidade Inteligente que resulta da cooperação entre os cidadĂŁos e da concepção do governo como uma plataforma de serviços bottom-up, explora-se a possibilidade de desenvolvimento de serviços de Cidades Inteligentes em cidades de paĂses em vias de desenvolvimento aplicando tecnologias frugais mas inovadoras que frequentemente surgem no contexto de paĂses africanos. Identificam-se os principais desafios da sua aplicação e sumarizam-se os resultados da aprendizagem realizada atravĂ©s do desenvolvimento de um serviço de monitorização participativa de serviços urbanos para a cidade de Maputo, em Moçambique
FrontEnd Toolkit: a toolkit to transform IDEAs into intelligent action
This FrontEnd Toolkit is about applying
Design Thinking to transform new ideas into innovative
products, services andbusinesses with an impact. The front
end development of new user and customer-oriented solutions
is a key opportunity aswell as a significant challenge for
organizations and success is built on collaborative
approaches. The overall objective is to help policy- makers,
project owners, and managers as well as their stakeholders
to design and implement projects with real impact. The
Toolkit helps to establish an ideaâs key value to
stakeholders, and supports planning for the creation of high
impact projects. It assists in defining complexity, cost,
delivery, functionality,and future upgrade potential of a
concept and creates new opportunities for partnerships. The
Front End innovation is all about purposefully combining
different skills, disciplines, and resources with knowledge
related to the local innovation ecosystem to gain insights
that inspire and help shape a new, valuable offering. The
process of creating this constellation of elements involves
understanding emerging opportunities,client and user
mindsets, needs and expectations. It also involves making
sense of the competitive environment, the social and
individual constraints and enablers that drive the
acceptance and up take of new products, services and
business models
Smart Cities as Innovation Ecosystems sustained by the Future Internet
FIREBALL White paperThe White Paper focuses on how European cities are currently developing strategies towards becoming "smarter cities" and the lessons we can draw for the future. Such strategies are based on an assessment of the future needs of cities and innovative usages of ICTs embodied in the broadband Internet and Internet-based applications now and foreseen for the future. These strategies are also based on a new understanding of innovation, grounded in the concept of open innovation ecosystems, global innovation chains, and on citizens' empowerment for shaping innovation and urban development. This White Paper is one of the main outcomes of the FIREBALL project (www.fireball4smartcities.eu), a Coordination Action within the 7th Framework Programme for ICT, running in the period 2010-2012. The aim of FIREBALL is to bring together communities and stakeholders who are active in three areas: (1) research and experimentation on the Future Internet (FIRE); (2) open and user-driven innovation (Living Labs); and (3) urban development. The goal is to develop a common vision and a common view on how the different approaches, methodologies, policies and technologies in these areas can be aligned to boost innovation and socio-economic development of cities. The White Paper has explored the landscape of "smart cities" as environments of open and user driven innovation sustained by Future Internet technologies and services. Smart cities are also seen as environments enabled by advanced ICT infrastructure for testing and validating current Future Internet research and experimentation. Overall, the smart city is built upon a triangle of "City" - "Open Innovation Ecosystems" - "Future Internet" components. The White Paper explores also how cities and urban areas represent a critical mass when it comes to shaping the demand for advanced Internet-based services in large-scale testing and validation. Shaping this demand informs ongoing research, experimentation and deployment activities related to Future Internet testbeds, and helps establishing a dialogue between the different communities involved in the development of the future Internet and user-driven environments, to form partnerships and assess social and economic benefits and discovery of migration paths at early stages. Based on a holistic instead of technology merely driven perspective on smart cities, we consider necessary to revisit the concept of the Smart City itself. The concept of the smart city that emerges from FIREBALL can be summarized as follows: "The smart city concept is multi-dimensional. It is a future scenario (what to achieve), even more it is an urban development strategy (how to achieve it). It focuses on how (Internet-related) technologies enhance the lives of citizens. This should not be interpreted as drawing the smart city technology scenario. Rather, the smart city is how citizens are shaping the city in using this technology, and how citizens are enabled to do so. The smart city is about how people are empowered, through using technology, for contributing to urban change and realizing their ambitions. The smart city provides the conditions and resources for change. In this sense, the smart city is an urban laboratory, an urban innovation ecosystem, a living lab, an agent of change. Much less do we see a smart city in terms of a Ranking. This ranking is a moment in time, a superficial result of underlying changes, not the mechanism of transformation. The smart city is the engine of transformation, a generator of solutions for wicked problems, it is how the city is behaving smart.
SynthĂšse de fragments de dermatane sulfate
ORLEANS-BU Sciences (452342104) / SudocSudocFranceF
Multiple Theories of Change for innovation governance
The Theory of Change approach aims to clarify the underlying logic of an intervention by first identifying the problem addressed and the desired outcome, and then backwards mapping the actions taken and the expected results and outcomes. In so doing, it aims to simplify the expression of intermediate goals and indicators and provide a common reference for the participants and stakeholders of the intervention itself. As such, it is similar to corporate âmission statementsâ in that it aims to provide a single, unifying description of the what, why and how of an intervention. By framing the approach in terms of the âchangeâ required as a means of addressing a problem, Theory of Change is essentially a tool to frame innovation processes. Indeed, one of the goals of Theory of Change is to identify the mechanisms linking actions to results and outcomes, which in turn can be linked to different dimensions of innovation processes, from the technological to the social and behavioural. In this regard, Theory of Change serves as a tool to support the governance of innovation processes, aiding stakeholders in finding a common ground for consensus. This however opens up a possible issue in applying Theory of Change: does the simplified model accurately reflect the various standpoints of stakeholders and the multiple dimensions of the innovation involved? Indeed, since Theory of Change is often defined and developed by âexternalâ stakeholders â often in the context of process evaluation â there is the risk that participants may not fully understand the concept despite the apparent simplicity of the approach. This may lead to relatively passive participation in the initial definition of the Theory of Change, with the hidden presence of âalternativeâ theories that struggle to gain legitimacy. This chapter explores an attempt to embrace that risk as an opportunity, in an effort to support the emergence of different Theories of Change so that stakeholders can transparently confront their different hypotheses and worldviews. The resolution of these differences was a question of the broader governance dynamic within different stakeholder communities rather than an exercise of âcleaning upâ the Theory of Change itself. The occasion to test this approach was provided by an EU-funded project â MUV: Mobility Urban Values â that involved experimenting with a game-based approach towards changing mobility behaviours in six European pilot contexts
Indicators for identification of urban flooding vulnerability
International audienceIn the last 5 years in France, we have observed that each new flood event exposes the weaknesses of the existing prevention system as well as the local weakness. Such events raise questions about the relevance and the effectiveness of the means of prevention. But these events also reveal resistance of the exposed territories, which shows that effective and adequate local strategies exist. There are various methods to evaluate the weakness, or vulnerability of an area, but since the last ten years the qualitative approach of vulnerability in flood risks became more important. Nevertheless, local authorities are often unable to evaluate the vulnerabilities of their territory. Local decision makers request tools for a better assessment of flooding vulnerability. Thus, many approaches of the weakness and the resistance of frequently flooded territories were developed on various scales. These approaches are often partial and contextual. There is a clear need for a support of the evaluation of vulnerability. However, there are obvious synergies between these different approaches, with regard to data retrieval and the establishment of adequate information systems taking into account the vulnerability of a specific territory. The paper develops a methodology aimed to organize into a software tool the choice of vulnerability indicators and the integration of the point of view of various stakeholders (economists, town planners, experts, political leaders, etc). This challenge is based on three simple statements: break down of the problems of vulnerability into homogeneous subsets and manage them; articulation of these subsets in a graphical interface allowing the presentation of interactions between the indicators of vulnerability and compare the opposed visions of vulnerability. The interface of the tool integrates various vulnerability indicators, which are organised in several categories, in order to allow a flexible and efficient vulnerability analysis
Lâapplication du principe de proximitĂ© dans la gestion des dĂ©chets : divergence dâenjeux sociaux, techniques et environnementaux
International audienceLâobjectif de la gestion des dĂ©chets a pendant trĂšs longtemps Ă©tĂ© de les relĂ©guer au plus loin des villes (Barles, 2005). Aujourdâhui, les logiques spatiales se complexifient, avec notamment lâobligation dâappliquer un « principe de proximitĂ© » (loi sur les dĂ©chets de 1992). Pour autant, rien nâindique ni lâĂ©chelle ni les modalitĂ©s de cette proximitĂ©. Elle semble ĂȘtre Ă gĂ©omĂ©trie trĂšs variable en fonction du type dâacteur qui la prend en charge, du type de dĂ©chets et de la structuration des filiĂšres.Cette proximitĂ© rĂ©pond Ă certains enjeux de la ville durable, lorsque celle-ci cherche un modĂšle dâautosuffisance territoriale (Morris, 1982). Cyria Emelianoff (Emelianoff, 2007) relate que les premiĂšres rĂ©flexions sur la ville durable cherchaient à « stimuler la capacitĂ© Ă satisfaire localement les besoins fondamentaux » et Ă ne pas exporter les coĂ»ts de dĂ©veloppement. LâidĂ©e Ă©tait alors dâorganiser des communautĂ©s tendant vers lâautosuffisance en termes dâapprovisionnements, mais aussi de traitement des rejets urbains dans la limite de la capacitĂ© de charge de lâenvironnement. Cette vision limitative se heurte alors aux logiques dâĂ©conomie dâĂ©chelles promues par lâindustrie du recyclage, opĂ©rant une valorisation matiĂšre de plus en plus poussĂ©e des dĂ©chets, se faisant sur des infrastructures technologiquement complexes et nĂ©cessitant une aire de chalandise de plus en plus grande.Par ailleurs, la recherche de consĂ©quences socio-Ă©conomiques positives Ă la proximitĂ© est toujours plus prisĂ©e grĂące Ă la crĂ©ation dâemplois que peut engendrer une Ă©conomie locale dynamique sâappuyant en partie sur ces matiĂšres secondaires et sur lâactivitĂ© du recyclage et du rĂ©emploi. Lâenjeu socio-Ă©conomique revĂȘt une importance dâautant plus grande que la gestion de la proximitĂ© permet de tirer profit de cette matiĂšre secondaire pour tenter de structurer une Ă©conomie locale et de crĂ©er des emplois non dĂ©localisables.Ces questions de recherche, qui interrogent la proximitĂ© dans la gestion des matiĂšres premiĂšres urbaines et leur mise en valeur locale, restent pour le moment trĂšs peu abordĂ©es : « Dans ce sens, il est possible dâinterroger le concept de proximitĂ© spatiale et sociale ; la gouvernance des flux, impliquant le rĂŽle des modes de vie et pratiques urbaines dans lâĂ©change de matiĂšres ; et le rĂŽle des acteurs locaux et territoriaux. A ce jour, ce champ de recherche est incomplet » (Barles, 2010). La proximitĂ© dans la gestion des dĂ©chets peut Ă©galement ĂȘtre comprise par la remise en cause du paradigme des grands rĂ©seaux techniques centralisĂ©s longtemps dominant. Ils sont aujourdâhui contestĂ©s par lâimpĂ©ratif du dĂ©veloppement urbain durable, car « le mĂ©tabolisme rĂ©ticulaire tend Ă sâopposer terme Ă terme au mĂ©tabolisme « Ă©cocyclique » vantĂ© par les tenants de la « ville durable » (Coutard et Rutherford, 2009).Lâapplication de cette gestion de proximitĂ© sous la responsabilitĂ© de « chaque dĂ©partement [qui] doit prĂ©voir une forte autonomie territoriale en matiĂšre dâinstallations de traitement » (Buclet, 2012). Outre les aspects environnementaux, invoquer le principe de proximitĂ© permet Ă©galement de dĂ©finir « un territoire dâappartenance, et implicitement un territoire dâacceptation des nuisances rĂ©sultant de lâĂ©limination de « nos » dĂ©chets » » (Rocher, 2006). Il sâagit alors de responsabiliser les citoyens Ă la gestion de leurs dĂ©chets, la proximitĂ© permettant leur appropriation (MĂ©ry et al., 2009 ; Nicourt et Girault, 2006 ; Rocher, 2006 ; Rocher, 2008).Cette communication sâappuiera sur les rĂ©sultats du projet de recherche MUEED (MĂ©tabolisme Urbain, Empreinte Ecologique et politiques de gestion des DĂ©chets), menĂ© dans le cadre du programme « DĂ©chets et SociĂ©tĂ© » de lâADEME par le laboratoire ESO-Le Mans, lâEcole des MĂ©tiers de lâEnvironnement de Rennes et lâĂ©quipe LABâURBA â GĂ©nie Urbain de Marne La VallĂ©e. Ce projet a permis dâidentifier les flux de dĂ©chets mĂ©nagers et des activitĂ©s en sortie des villes du Mans, de Rennes et de Marne-La-VallĂ©e, afin dâanalyser le potentiel et lâintĂ©rĂȘt dâune mis en Ćuvre politique du principe de proximitĂ© dans la gestion des dĂ©chets en France
Lâapplication du principe de proximitĂ© dans la gestion des dĂ©chets : divergence dâenjeux sociaux, techniques et environnementaux
International audienceLâobjectif de la gestion des dĂ©chets a pendant trĂšs longtemps Ă©tĂ© de les relĂ©guer au plus loin des villes (Barles, 2005). Aujourdâhui, les logiques spatiales se complexifient, avec notamment lâobligation dâappliquer un « principe de proximitĂ© » (loi sur les dĂ©chets de 1992). Pour autant, rien nâindique ni lâĂ©chelle ni les modalitĂ©s de cette proximitĂ©. Elle semble ĂȘtre Ă gĂ©omĂ©trie trĂšs variable en fonction du type dâacteur qui la prend en charge, du type de dĂ©chets et de la structuration des filiĂšres.Cette proximitĂ© rĂ©pond Ă certains enjeux de la ville durable, lorsque celle-ci cherche un modĂšle dâautosuffisance territoriale (Morris, 1982). Cyria Emelianoff (Emelianoff, 2007) relate que les premiĂšres rĂ©flexions sur la ville durable cherchaient à « stimuler la capacitĂ© Ă satisfaire localement les besoins fondamentaux » et Ă ne pas exporter les coĂ»ts de dĂ©veloppement. LâidĂ©e Ă©tait alors dâorganiser des communautĂ©s tendant vers lâautosuffisance en termes dâapprovisionnements, mais aussi de traitement des rejets urbains dans la limite de la capacitĂ© de charge de lâenvironnement. Cette vision limitative se heurte alors aux logiques dâĂ©conomie dâĂ©chelles promues par lâindustrie du recyclage, opĂ©rant une valorisation matiĂšre de plus en plus poussĂ©e des dĂ©chets, se faisant sur des infrastructures technologiquement complexes et nĂ©cessitant une aire de chalandise de plus en plus grande.Par ailleurs, la recherche de consĂ©quences socio-Ă©conomiques positives Ă la proximitĂ© est toujours plus prisĂ©e grĂące Ă la crĂ©ation dâemplois que peut engendrer une Ă©conomie locale dynamique sâappuyant en partie sur ces matiĂšres secondaires et sur lâactivitĂ© du recyclage et du rĂ©emploi. Lâenjeu socio-Ă©conomique revĂȘt une importance dâautant plus grande que la gestion de la proximitĂ© permet de tirer profit de cette matiĂšre secondaire pour tenter de structurer une Ă©conomie locale et de crĂ©er des emplois non dĂ©localisables.Ces questions de recherche, qui interrogent la proximitĂ© dans la gestion des matiĂšres premiĂšres urbaines et leur mise en valeur locale, restent pour le moment trĂšs peu abordĂ©es : « Dans ce sens, il est possible dâinterroger le concept de proximitĂ© spatiale et sociale ; la gouvernance des flux, impliquant le rĂŽle des modes de vie et pratiques urbaines dans lâĂ©change de matiĂšres ; et le rĂŽle des acteurs locaux et territoriaux. A ce jour, ce champ de recherche est incomplet » (Barles, 2010). La proximitĂ© dans la gestion des dĂ©chets peut Ă©galement ĂȘtre comprise par la remise en cause du paradigme des grands rĂ©seaux techniques centralisĂ©s longtemps dominant. Ils sont aujourdâhui contestĂ©s par lâimpĂ©ratif du dĂ©veloppement urbain durable, car « le mĂ©tabolisme rĂ©ticulaire tend Ă sâopposer terme Ă terme au mĂ©tabolisme « Ă©cocyclique » vantĂ© par les tenants de la « ville durable » (Coutard et Rutherford, 2009).Lâapplication de cette gestion de proximitĂ© sous la responsabilitĂ© de « chaque dĂ©partement [qui] doit prĂ©voir une forte autonomie territoriale en matiĂšre dâinstallations de traitement » (Buclet, 2012). Outre les aspects environnementaux, invoquer le principe de proximitĂ© permet Ă©galement de dĂ©finir « un territoire dâappartenance, et implicitement un territoire dâacceptation des nuisances rĂ©sultant de lâĂ©limination de « nos » dĂ©chets » » (Rocher, 2006). Il sâagit alors de responsabiliser les citoyens Ă la gestion de leurs dĂ©chets, la proximitĂ© permettant leur appropriation (MĂ©ry et al., 2009 ; Nicourt et Girault, 2006 ; Rocher, 2006 ; Rocher, 2008).Cette communication sâappuiera sur les rĂ©sultats du projet de recherche MUEED (MĂ©tabolisme Urbain, Empreinte Ecologique et politiques de gestion des DĂ©chets), menĂ© dans le cadre du programme « DĂ©chets et SociĂ©tĂ© » de lâADEME par le laboratoire ESO-Le Mans, lâEcole des MĂ©tiers de lâEnvironnement de Rennes et lâĂ©quipe LABâURBA â GĂ©nie Urbain de Marne La VallĂ©e. Ce projet a permis dâidentifier les flux de dĂ©chets mĂ©nagers et des activitĂ©s en sortie des villes du Mans, de Rennes et de Marne-La-VallĂ©e, afin dâanalyser le potentiel et lâintĂ©rĂȘt dâune mis en Ćuvre politique du principe de proximitĂ© dans la gestion des dĂ©chets en France