How does militant violence diffuse in regions? Regional conflict systems in international relations and peace and conflict studies

Regional conflict systems are characterised by their complexity of actors, causes, structural conditions and dynamics. Such complexity poses difficulties to those looking to undertake scientific analysis of the regional dynamics of violence. It is still quite unclear how militant violence diffuses in regions and under which conditions a regional conflict system can emerge. This review of existing approaches to regional conflict dynamics in international studies and peace and conflict studies focuses on how the regional conflict dynamics and the causal mechanisms behind the development of regional conflict systems are dealt with, considering process dynamics in space and time as well as in the interactions between possible causal factors. The primary gaps in existing research are identified and possible new research directions sketched out.Regional conflict systems are characterised by their complexity of actors, causes, structural conditions and dynamics. Such complexity, however, poses difficulties to those looking to undertake scientific analysis of these processes. In the present paper existing approaches to regional conflict dynamics in international studies and peace and conflict studies are reviewed. Of particular interest is the question how these approaches dealt with regional violence in areas with limited or no statehood as this is one of the striking conditions for the emergence and diffusion of regional conflict systems. Starting from this question, the main research gaps that exist in the current literature on regional conflicts will be detected. Furthermore, new research directions will be pointed out

Multilaterale Friedenssicherung in Afrika

Der Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen (VN) mandatierte 2013 zwei neue multilaterale Friedenseinsätze in afrikanischen Staaten: Im Juli begann die Mission in Mali, um das vorläufige Friedensabkommen umzusetzen und Wahlen zu sichern. Seit September operiert erstmals eine VN-Interventionsbrigade als Teil der schon bestehenden Mission in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo (DR Kongo), die auch gegen Rebellengruppen im Osten des Landes kämpfen soll. Die vor allem von afrikanischen Staaten getragenen Einsätze in Mali und der DR Kongo verdeutlichen zwei Trends der multilateralen Friedenssicherung: Erstens haben sich unbewaffnete Beobachtermissionen zu multidimensionalen Einsätzen gewandelt, die neben der Überwachung von Waffenstillständen auch die institutionellen Grundlagen für einen langfristigen Frieden sichern sollen. Zweitens übernehmen afrikanische Staaten inzwischen eine immer größere Rolle bei der Bereitstellung von Truppen für Friedenseinsätze in Afrika. Die politikwissenschaftliche Forschung zeigt, dass besonders robust mandatierte, komplexe Friedensoperationen mit ausreichender Truppenstärke zu einem Frieden nach Bürgerkriegen beitragen können. Daher ist das gestiegene Engagement afrikanischer Staaten bei der Friedenssicherung grundsätzlich begrüßenswert, denn ein stärkeres westliches Engagement in Form von Truppen für Friedensmissionen in afrikanischen Konflikten erscheint in absehbarer Zukunft nicht realistisch. Die gestiegene Einsatzbereitschaft afrikanischer Staaten ist Teil des Aufbaus einer "afrikanischen Friedens- und Sicherheitsarchitektur" seitens der Afrikanischen Union (African Union, AU). Politische Konflikte ihrer Mitgliedsstaaten, mangelnde Ressourcenausstattung und fehlende Finanzmittel erschweren allerdings nach wie vor genuin "afrikanische Lösungen für afrikanische Probleme". Eine politische, finanzielle sowie technische Stärkung dieser regionalen Sicherheitsarchitektur ist notwendig, um die friedensfördernden Effekte von Friedensoperationen weiter zu verbessern und ihre negativen gesellschaftlichen Auswirkungen zu verringern

Brexit Beyond the UK’s Borders: What It Means for Africa

The result of the United Kingdom’s referendum on leaving the EU, which was held on 23 June 2016, has profound geopolitical, economic, and social implications for Africa. This is all the more the case given the bilateral UK–Africa relationship and interregional Africa–EU relations

Brexit will blow a hole in EU-Africa relations

First paragraph: In the flood of debate and opinion which followed the UK’s Brexit referendum, journalists and scholars alike have focused on the economic impact on Britain, the future of trade agreements and the effect on the rest of the EU. With a few exceptions, implications outside of Europe are often ignored. Africa barely gets a look in, but the shockwaves here could be deeply damaging.https://theconversation.com/brexit-will-blow-a-hole-in-eu-africa-relations-6592

Three Ways to Improve Multilateral Peacekeeping in Africa (and Beyond)

UN blue helmets have in many cases been an effective multilateral instrument for fostering war-to-peace transitions. But especially in Africa, where the majority of missions are deployed, peace operations suffer from a number of problems, including an underfunded region-wide African security architecture. These shortcomings severely restrict peacekeeping missions from fully realising their peacebuilding potential in Africa. Our research shows that UN peacekeeping missions are better able to protect civilians when well-trained and well-equipped troops participate in blue-helmet missions. But it is particularly those countries with highly qualified troops, such as European or North American countries, which are reluctant to participate. African peacekeepers are increasingly filling the rising demand for peacekeeping contributions, but they often lack the training and the capacity to effectively help missions fully achieve their goals. Peacekeepers themselves often perpetrate crimes - for instance, sexual abuse. High-profile cases have been reported from UN missions in Liberia or the Central African Republic. These crimes undermine peacekeepers' legitimacy and obstruct their peacebuilding potential. Three policies could help to remedy these problems and to improve the quality of peacekeeping in Africa and beyond. First, European countries, including Germany, should continue to participate in UN peace operations. Second, Germany and its allies should keep strengthening Africa's peacekeeping infrastructure, including the African Union and other regional security initiatives. Third, to credibly push for a rules-based international order, Germany should use its position on the United Nations Security Council to press for reforms to the council and to improve the legal accountability of peacekeepers

Securitisation strategies to prevent conflict diffusion in Tanzania and former Zaire

While many studies dealing with the problem of militarised refugees analyse when and how militarised refugees lead to a diffusion of violence, it is unclear what conditions contribute to the avoidance of it. The present paper tackles this issue by linking securitisation theory to research on militarised refugees and war diffusion and thus offers new insights into the conditions of prevention of conflict diffusion. Specifically, it compares the two cases of former Zaire (now DR Congo) and Tanzania. Both countries faced an influx of refugees and refugee militarisation following the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 and the civil war in Burundi in the 1990s, though their outcomes varied in terms of regional war diffusion. The article suggests that while certain security strategies such as closure of borders and the repatriation and expulsion of refugees might be successful in preventing conflict diffusion, they often include a breach of international refugee law when preventing bona fide refugees from entering the country. Hence, communicating and cooperating with peaceful members of the refugee communities and confronting those suspected of being responsible for the violence are necessary steps to deal with this issue

Demokratische Republik Kongo

Präsident Kabila stemmt sich trotz gegenteiliger Zusagen gegen Neuwahlen. Er und sein Umfeld wollen weiter den Staat ausplündern. Wie wichtig eine handlungsfähige und legitime Regierung ist, verdeutlichen die Kämpfe zwischen Regierungseinheiten und der Rebellengruppe Kamuina Nsapu in den beiden Kasai-Provinzen

Reforma al sector seguridad después de la guerra: lo que se sabe y lo que se desconoce de los casos alrededor del mundo.

Reformas de las instituciones del sector seguridad (RSS) suelen ser elementos cruciales del apoyo internacional a la construcción de paz y democratización. Aunque no hay una definición general de RSS, incluye procesos de desmovilización de excombatientes, reformas de mandato y personal de la Policía, las Fuerzas Armadas y del sector judicial. Una visión integral de reformas en la gobernanza de la seguridad es importante siempre y cuando estas reformas vayan más allá de la terminación de una guerra civil y se dirijan hacia la reducción de distintas manifestaciones de violencia y hacia la seguridad ciudadana. El documento introduce al debate internacional sobre RSS, presenta experiencias de distintas regiones y promueve un enfoque nuevo —RSS en la intersección entre Estado y sociedad—. Actores externos pueden apoyar procesos de RSS, pero no deben imponer reformas de talla única. El éxito de reformas profundas depende de estrategias hechas a la medida de los contextos específicos. Esto significa incluir en ellos equivalentes funcionales (e. g. autoridades tradicionales), siempre y cuando estas se rijan por los derechos humanos. También hay que incluir minorías étnicas y mujeres, tanto en el diseño como en las instituciones mismas