Illiberal Judicialisation of Politics in Poland

The judiciary currently plays an important role in any political system or kind of constitutionalism, regardless of the adopted system of constitutional review (judicialization of politics). The most important purpose of the constitutional court seems to be the protection of human rights against the arbitrary interference of state authority in individual interest. The key incentive is the protection of an individual against the constitutionally unauthorised and arbitrary intervention of the parliamentary majority. In the context of democratic decay and the development of other than liberal constitutional democracy versions of constitutionalism (authoritarian, autocratic, populist, illiberal), the question arises: what is the role of constitutional courts within these so-called democracies with adjectives. Applying this question into Polish reality, since 2015, the Polish constitutional court is described as politicized. Against this wording, the Author claims that the court is not only politicized but that we can talk about the illiberal judicialization of politics as best describing the Polish situation

Rewizja czy zmiana konstytucji? (Charakter prawny nowelizacji konstytucji z 1989 r.)

This article considers the meaning of the two amendments of the Polish People ’ s Republic constitution dated of 1989. The fi rst one was adopted in April while the second one in December the same year. The Author says that the amendment of the 29th December 1989 should be recognized as a revision of the constitution. At that time the political system of the state was changed. Poland was no longer a socialist state and became a democratic one, ruled by the law and implementing the principles of social justice. “ Round table agreements ” and parliamentary elections held in June 1989 were in the grounds of the democratic changes. Poland experienced a state system revolution. Some evolutionary methods were applied then. Together with a new democratic system, a civil society was born in Poland

Problematyka partii politycznych w orzecznictwie Trybunału Konstytucyjnego

When considering the issue of political parties in the judicial practice of the Constitutional Tribunal it should be noted that it passes judgements in two contexts. The first is related to constitutionality of the purposes or activities of political parties, the second appears in the context of deciding on the issues that are not strictly related to political parties. The reference point is what distinguishes them both. The decision-making activity of the Tribunal does not extend far in either of the scopes. Selected rulings will be discussed in the order of chronology and the importance of given issues.Il presente studio sui partiti politici nella giurisprudenza del Tribunale Costituzionale è volto a mettere in luce le linee essenziali dell’orientamento del giudice costituzionale polacco sull’argomento. Vengono analizzate le pronuncie in materia emesse dopo l’entrata in vigore della Costituzione polacca nel 1997 che non sono numerose. Il Tribunale polacco si pronuncia sui partiti politici in due contesti: 1) quando decide della conformità alla Costituzione dei fini e delle attività dei partiti politici; 2) quando affronta questioni che non sono necessariamente legate alla problematica dei partiti. Diverso è quindi un punto di riferimento. Lo studio non affronta il tema della legge sul funzionamento dei partiti politici. Sono inoltre esclusi dall’analisi questioni legate alla legge elettorale e alla partecipazione dei partiti politici alle elezioni.Rozważając problematykę partii politycznych w orzecznictwie Trybunału Konstytucyjnego należy zauważyć, że organ ten orzeka niejako w dwóch kontekstach. Pierwszy z nich związany jest z konstytucyjnością celów lub działalności partii politycznych, drugi zaś pojawia się na tle rozstrzygania przez TK innych kwestii, które nie są związane wyłącznie z partiami politycznymi. Różny jest zatem punkt odniesienia. Działalność orzecznicza Trybunału nie jest szeroka zarówno w pierwszym, jak i w drugim zakresie. Wybrane judykaty zostaną omówione w kolejności chronologiczno-problemowej

Eating disorders among women of childbearing age

Introduction. Nutrition is one of the fundamental human needs, which allows for the proper functioning of the body. Nowadays, people are increasingly turning attention to the type and quantity of food intake, in order to preserve health and slim. Rigorous adherence to the principles of nutrition only healthy meals can lead to disorder orthorexia nervosa, which can lead to many complications (such as weight loss, vitamin deficiencies and mineral, hormonal disorders, psychological problems). The aim of the study was to investigate the prevalence of eating disorders such orthorexia nervosa in women of childbearing age and to check whether there is a relationship between the occurrence of eating disorders and a global orientation of life of respondents.Material and method. The study included 280 women aged between 18 and 35 years old who voluntarily joined the study. The study used the questionnaire technique, consisting of the author's questionnaire and standardized research tools (ORTO-15 Questionnaire, the SCOFF Eating Disorders Questionnaire and the Sense of Coherence Scale SOC-29).Results. After conducting these studies found an association between the occurrence of eating disorders such as orthorexia nervosa to religion, and between type of eating disorder anorexia and bulimia and marital status, and body mass index (BMI). It was also shown that the lower the overall level of sense of coherence and its components is more common in individuals at risk of developing anorexia or bulimia.Conclusion. There is a relationship between the occurrence of eating disorders such as orthorexia nervosa to religion. There is a relationship between the occurrence of eating disorders such as anorexia and bulimia marital status and body mass index of women

Wpływ rozwiązań europejskich na sferę krajowych rachunków publicznych

Zakreślony temat wyznacza rozległe pole badawcze dla przedstawicieli nauki prawa finansowego, europejskiego czy konstytucyjnego. Nie sposób nawet wskazać wyczerpującej listy problemów, które mogą zostać w związku z tym ujawnione. W niniejszej wypowiedzi pragnę skupić się jedynie na kilku kwestiach najistotniejszych z punktu widzenia tytułu referatu. Ramy rozważań wyznaczają konstytucyjne zainteresowania naukowe Autorki. Jako kluczowa kwestia traktowana jest w ogóle możliwość, zakres i sposób wpływu rozwiązań europejskich na sferę finansów publicznych w Polsce. W kolejności omówiony zostanie zatem problem reguł tworzenia prawa finansowego, możliwość transferu władztwa daninowego oraz równowaga budżetowa także w kontekście tzw. paktu fiskalnego. Kontekstem tych zagadnień będzie oczywiście kategoria suwerenności państw członkowskich UE i możliwość transferu niektórych kompetencji organów władzy publicznej w sferze finansów publicznych.This paper refers to the very important issue of an influence of the European solutions on the national finances. It includes several problems: financial law making rules, possibility of the competence delegation in relation to taxation matters and budgetary balance in the context of the fiscal compact. There are budgetary requirements already stated in the Polish constitution. The most important is the Article 216. In accordance to this provision, it shall be neither permissible to contract loans nor provide guarantees and financial sureties which would engender a national public debt exceeding three-fifths of the value of the annual gross domestic product. This means that the Polish constitution is normatively well prepared to prevent financial crisis.Il tema costituisce un grande campo investigativo per gli studiosi che si occupano di legge finanziaria, europea e costituzionale. Pare impossibile preparare un elenco completo dei problemi che potranno essere rivelati. Nel presente intervento desidero concentrarmi solamente sulle questioni piu rilevanti legati alla problematica accentuata nel titolo. Un’attenzione particolare e prestata al carattere dell’influenza di meccanismi europei sulle finanze pubbliche in Polonia. Saranno dunque analizzati rispettivamente: i modelli di creazione della legge finanziaria, la possibilita di trasferimento dell’obbligazione tributaria e l’equilibrio di bilancio nell’ottica del cosiddetto patto fiscale europeo. I problemi suddetti saranno ovviamente analizzati nel contesto della sovranita degli stati membri e della possibilita di trasferimento di alcune competenze degli organi di potere nell’ambito delle finanze pubbliche. Tłumaczenie: C. Bronowsk

Nation – delegation – constitution: reconsidering role of religion in polish identity development

Democratic politics creates a specific 'chain of representation'. According to Article 104 of the Polish Constitution, the MPs are the representatives of the entire Nation. The understanding of the "entire Nation" allows to determine whether national identity is open and inclusive, or closed and exclusive. One can distinguish two ideal types of a nation: heterogeneous and homogeneous. The first type is connected to the universalist understanding of "constitutional essentials", the second to the particularistic one. In the paper, we pointed out the elements of heterogeneity in the text of Polish constitutions as well as the elements of homogeneity in the constitutional practice. Religion becomes an important factor influencing the interpretation and application of the constitution. The heterogeneous concept of the nation and the universalist “constitutional essentials” can be narrowed down in the political practice. The particularistic elements of the constitution and the homogenizing tendencies present in the application of the constitution might lead to polarization. In such a case, there would be a radical reinterpretation of the entire chain of delegation

Extra-Legal Particularities and Illiberal Constitutionalism – The Case of Hungary and Poland

Abstract The Hungarian and Polish observations show how the use of the public law is limited in illiberal constitutional states. This paper claims that certain non-legal reasons for effective successful transformation to an illiberal state, such as the emergence of populist rhetoric and morality; the clear lack of political self-restraint and the inability or unwillingness of the people to form a strong and capable civil society or to raise their voice against extreme views or resist an aggressive and clearly unfounded political campaign, have been pre-determined and influenced by the historical and socio-psychological particularities of the nations in question. If this is indeed the case, this may offer another, though obviously non-conclusive, explanation as to why public law measures and mechanisms have failed to preserve liberal democracy. The paper concludes that overturning illiberal constitutionalism by either political or constitutional and legal means, at the present time, seems doubtful, if not impossible. The historically and psychologically determined national and constitutional identities of Hungary and Poland are not apt to nurture liberal constitutionalism in the long term

Liberal constitutionalism - between individual and collective interests

Table of contents: Wojciech Włoch -The Democratic Paradox Revisited - how liberal constitutionalism supports democratic equality; Tomasz Milej - Liberal democracy’s rocky path – the cases of Kenya and Tanzania; Tímea Drinóczi, Agnieszka Bień-Kacała - Illiberal constitutionalism in Hungary and Poland: The case of judicialization of politics; Fabio Ratto Trabucco - The Hungarian Judicial System evolution between ‘Orbánism’ and European Governance; Zbigniew Witkowski, Maciej Serowaniec - The role of ‘controlled’ referendum in Polish democracy; Faith Kabata - Impact of UN Human Rights Monitoring Mechanisms in Kenya; Lóránt Csink, Réka Török - The collision of national security purpose secret information gathering and the right to privacy. The present and future of Hungarian regulation; István Sabjanics - The Legality of National Security; Václav Stehlík - Metamorphosis of Public Security Exception in the EU Internal Market and EU Citizens’ RightsCan a democracy work without liberalism? Or in other words, is the concept of governing and being governed in turns sustainable without respecting individual rights? Or is a democracy doomed to be hijacked by authoritarian rulers, if not backed by robust mechanisms of individual rights protection, by a rule of law and as system, in which – as James Madison wanted – an ambition is made to counteract ambition and the abuses of government are controlled? A standard answer of the so-called ‘Western’ constitutionalism is still a clear ‘no’. The present volume offers study material on countries and historical situations, in which this clear ‘no’ faces challenges. It traces trajectories of democracy’s development as it embraced and rejected liberal ideas. The contribution by Timea Drinoczi and Agnieszka Bien-Kacała does it with respect to Hungary and Poland, while the contribution by Tomasz Milej focuses on Kenya and Tanzania. But before embarking on the developments in particular countries, Wojciech Włoch takes the reader through the contemporary thought on the relationship between democracy and liberalism. He argues from the philosophical perspective that the liberal ideal of equal rights of individuals enables a democracy to thrive and prosper. Tomasz Milej takes up this point showing on the examples of Kenya and Tanzania how the attempts to base a democratic regime on illiberal pillars eventually lead to a collapse of the same. In this vein, Timea Drinoczi and Agnieszka Bien-Kacała make a strong case against theorising violations of constitutional stipulations and disenfranchisement of judiciaries as some new concepts of democracy or political constitutionalism as opposed to the legal one; one of the terms they prefer to describe the departure from the liberal democracy is abusive constitutionalism. Various examples for this type of regime from Hungarian practice are provided by Fabio Ratto Trabucco, who discusses the legal means employed by the Hungarian government to take over the judiciary by replacing judges with new ones under a new politicised appointment procedure. In so doing, the author also discusses the interaction of the Hungarian government with external actors, such as Venice Commission and various organs of the European Union. On such a dialogue focuses Faith Kabata documenting a poor record of Kenya in implementing of the UN monitoring bodies recommendations and even obstructionism by the state executive organs regarding civil and political rights. Her study shows that these rights were best implemented when individuals took their cases to the courts and that the biggest obstacle to the implementation was a lack of social and political internalisation of certain human rights provisions. Aren’t those internalisation deficits the same ones that derailed the liberal democracy – at least temporarily – in Hungary and Poland? One could look from this perspective at the failure of the direct democracy instruments to enhance people’s participation in public matters, as discussed by Zbigniew Witkowski and Maciej Serowaniec in the Polish context. Those more general accounts are supplemented by three case studies on a sensitive area of clash between the collective and individual interest. The contributions by Lóránt Csink and Réka Török, by István Sabjanics and by Václav Stehlík examine the relationship between the national security concerns and the individual freedoms. Quite interestingly, Stehlík’s research shows that the readjustment away from the individual movement rights towards the protection of national security concerns has also found its way into the case law of the Court of Justice if the European Union

Gospodarstwo rodzinne jako podstawa ustroju rolnego w świetle Konstytucji RP z 1997 roku

According to Article 23 of the Constitution of 1997 family homestead is the foundation of the Polish agrarian system. Its special status in the Polish legal system stems from the closest connection between homestead and household. The Analysis of A rticle 23 reveals current tendencies of the Polish agrarian system. Firstly, those tendencies are the consequences of the “social market economy” concept. Secondly, they result from the growing challenges posed by the environmental protection (ecological farming; protection of the environment from the negative impact of the farming production processes; veterinary protection of animals’ health). Present regulations concerning this subject should be adjusted to the current socio-economic conditions.Zgodnie z art. 23 Konstytucji z 1997 r. podstawą ustroju rolnego państwa polskiego jest gospodarstwo rodzinne. Szczególne wyróżnienie w świetle zasad ustroju RP gospodarstwa rolnego w postaci gospodarstwa rodzinnego wynika ze ścisłego połączenia gospodarstwa rolnego z gospodarstwem domowym. Analiza art. 23 Konstytucji ma na celu ustalenie aktualnych kierunków kształtowania ustroju rolnego Polski. Z jednej strony kierunki te wynikają z założeń „społecznej gospodarki rynkowej”, zaś z drugiej – z rosnących wyzwań związanych z ochroną środowiska (m.in. rolnictwo ekologiczne, ochrona środowiska przed skutkami stosowanych procesów w produkcji rolnej, wymagania weterynaryjne dla ochrony zdrowia zwierząt). Obecne rozwiązania w tym przedmiocie powinny zostać dostosowane do aktualnych warunków społeczno-gospodarczych