Egypt’s 2011–2012 parliamentary elections: Voting for religious vs. secular democracy?

This study investigates whether individuals’ attitudes towards democracy and secular politics have any influence on voting behavior in Egypt. Based on data from a survey conducted immediately after the Egyptian parliamentary elections in January 2012, this study finds that Egyptians’ attitudes towards democratic governance were quite negative around the parliamentary elections, yet Egyptians still endorsed democracy as the ideal political system for their country. However, empirical findings suggest that support for democracy has a limited impact on electoral results. On the other hand, the main division in Egyptian society around the first free and fair parliamentary elections was the religious-secular cleavage. As people support secular politics more, they become significantly less likely to vote for Islamist parties. These results illustrate that preferences in regard to the type of democracy – either a liberal and secular or a religious democracy – were the main determinant of the historic 2012 elections in Egypt

Hypoxia increases membrane metallo-endopeptidase expression in a novel lung cancer ex vivo model - role of tumor stroma cells

Background: Hypoxia-induced genes are potential targets in cancer therapy. Responses to hypoxia have been extensively studied in vitro, however, they may differ in vivo due to the specific tumor microenvironment. In this study gene expression profiles were obtained from fresh human lung cancer tissue fragments cultured ex vivo under different oxygen concentrations in order to study responses to hypoxia in a model that mimics human lung cancer in vivo.Methods: Non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) fragments from altogether 70 patients were maintained ex vivo in normoxia or hypoxia in short-term culture. Viability, apoptosis rates and tissue hypoxia were assessed. Gene expression profiles were studied using Affymetrix GeneChip 1.0 ST microarrays.Results: Apoptosis rates were comparable in normoxia and hypoxia despite different oxygenation levels, suggesting adaptation of tumor cells to hypoxia. Gene expression profiles in hypoxic compared to normoxic fragments largely overlapped with published hypoxia-signatures. While most of these genes were up-regulated by hypoxia also in NSCLC cell lines, membrane metallo-endopeptidase (MME, neprilysin, CD10) expression was not increased in hypoxia in NSCLC cell lines, but in carcinoma-associated fibroblasts isolated from non-small cell lung cancers. High MME expression was significantly associated with poor overall survival in 342 NSCLC patients in a meta-analysis of published microarray datasets.Conclusions: The novel ex vivo model allowed for the first time to analyze hypoxia-regulated gene expression in preserved human lung cancer tissue. Gene expression profiles in human hypoxic lung cancer tissue overlapped with hypoxia-signatures from cancer cell lines, however, the elastase MME was identified as a novel hypoxia-induced gene in lung cancer. Due to the lack of hypoxia effects on MME expression in NSCLC cell lines in contrast to carcinoma-associated fibroblasts, a direct up-regulation of stroma fibroblast MME expression under hypoxia might contribute to enhanced aggressiveness of hypoxic cancers

The Effect of Opioid Receptor Blockade on the Neural Processing of Thermal Stimuli

The endogenous opioid system represents one of the principal systems in the modulation of pain. This has been demonstrated in studies of placebo analgesia and stress-induced analgesia, where anti-nociceptive activity triggered by pain itself or by cognitive states is blocked by opioid antagonists. The aim of this study was to characterize the effect of opioid receptor blockade on the physiological processing of painful thermal stimulation in the absence of cognitive manipulation. We therefore measured BOLD (blood oxygen level dependent) signal responses and intensity ratings to non-painful and painful thermal stimuli in a double-blind, cross-over design using the opioid receptor antagonist naloxone. On the behavioral level, we observed an increase in intensity ratings under naloxone due mainly to a difference in the non-painful stimuli. On the neural level, painful thermal stimulation was associated with a negative BOLD signal within the pregenual anterior cingulate cortex, and this deactivation was abolished by naloxone

Clinical Features of Autoimmune Autonomic Ganglionopathy and the Detection of Subunit-Specific Autoantibodies to the Ganglionic Acetylcholine Receptor in Japanese Patients

Autoimmune autonomic ganglionopathy (AAG) is a rare acquired channelopathy that is characterized by pandysautonomia, in which autoantibodies to ganglionic nicotinic acetylcholine receptors (gAChR) may play a central role. Radioimmunoprecipitation (RIP) assays have been used for the sensitive detection of autoantibodies to gAChR in the serum of patients with AAG. Here, we developed luciferase immunoprecipitation systems (LIPS) to diagnose AAG based on IgGs to both the α3 and β4 gAChR subunits in patient serum. We reviewed the serological and clinical data of 50 Japanese patients who were diagnosed with AAG. With the LIPS testing, we detected anti-α3 and -β4 gAChR antibodies in 48% (24/50) of the patients. A gradual mode of onset was more common in the seropositive group than in the seronegative group. Patients with AAG frequently have orthostatic hypotension and upper and lower gastrointestinal tract symptoms, with or without anti-gAChR. The occurrence of autonomic symptoms was not significantly different between the seropositive and seronegative group, with the exception of achalasia in three patients from the seropositive group. In addition, we found a significant overrepresentation of autoimmune diseases in the seropositive group and endocrinological abnormalities as an occasional complication of AAG. Our results demonstrated that the LIPS assay was a useful novel tool for detecting autoantibodies against gAChR in patients with AAG

Adapting authoritarianism: institutions and co-optation in Egypt and Syria

This PhD thesis compares Egypt and Syria’s authoritarian political systems. While the tendency in social science political research treats Egypt and Syria as similarly authoritarian, this research emphasizes differences between the two systems with special reference to institutions and co-optation. Rather than reducibly understanding Egypt and Syria as sharing similar histories, institutional arrangements, or ascribing to the oft-repeated convention that “Syria is Egypt but 10 years behind,” this thesis focuses on how events and individual histories shaped each states current institutional strengthens and weaknesses. Specifically, it explains the how varying institutional politicization or de-politicization affects each state’s capabilities for co-opting elite and non-elite individuals. Beginning with a theoretical framework that considers the limited utility of democratization and transition theoretical approaches, the work underscores the persistence and durability of authoritarianism. Chapter two details the politicized institutional divergence between Egypt and Syria that began in the 1970s. Chapter three and four examines how institutional politicization or de-politicization affects elite and non-elite individual co-optation in Egypt and Syria. Chapter five discusses the study’s general conclusions and theoretical implications. This thesis’s argument is that Egypt and Syria co-opt elites and non-elites differently because of the varying degrees of institutional politicization in each governance system. Rather than view one country as more politically developed than the other, this work argues that Syria’s political institutions are more politicized than their Egyptian counterparts. Syria’s political arena is, thus, described as politicized-patrimonialism. Syria’s politicized-patrimonial arena produces uneven co-optation of elites and non-elites as they are diffused through competing institutions. Conversely, the Egyptian political arena remains highly personalized as weak institutions and individuals are manipulated and molded according to the president’s ruling clique. This is referred to as personalized-patrimonialism. As a consequence, Egypt’s political establishment demonstrates more flexibility in ad hoc altering and adapting its arena depending on the emergence of crises. This study’s theoretical implications suggest that, contrary to modernization and democratization theory’s adage that institutions lead to a political development, politicized institutions within a patrimonial order actually hinder regime adaptation because consensus is harder to achieve and maintain. It is within this context that Egypt’s de-politicized institutional framework advantages its top political elite. In this reading of Egyptian and Syrian politics, Egypt’s personalized political arena is more adaptable than Syria’s. These conclusions do not indicate that political reform is a process underway in either state